20, 1861 - East Tennessee Unionist resolutions to secede from Tennessee and remain in the Union
KNOXVILLE, TENN., June 20, 1861.
To the GEN. ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF TENNESSEE:
The undersigned memorialists, in behalf of the people of East Tennessee, beg leave respectfully to show that at a convention of delegates holden [sic] at Greeneville on the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th days of June instant, in which was represented every county of East Tennessee, except the county of Rhea, it was.
Resolved, First. "That we do earnestly desire the restoration of peace to our whole country, and most especially that our own section of the State of Tennessee shall not be involved in civil war."
Second. "That the action of the State Legislature in passing the so called 'declaration of independence' and in forming the 'military league' with the Confederate States and in adopting other acts looking to a separation of Tennessee from the Government of the United States, is unconstitutional and illegal, and therefore not binding upon us as loyal citizens."
Third. And it was further resolved, "That in order to avert a conflict with our brethren in other parts of the State and desiring that every constitutional means shall be resorted to for the preservation of peace, we do therefore constitute and appoint O. P. Temple, of Knox; John Netherland, of Hawkins, and James P. McDowell, of Greene, commissioners, whose duty it shall be to prepare a memorial and cause the same to be presented to the Gen. Assembly of Tennessee, now in session, asking its consent that the counties composing East Tennessee and such other counties in Middle Tennessee as desire to co-operate with them, may form and erect a separate State."
The idea of a separate political existence is not a recent one, but it is not deemed necessary here to re-state the geographical, social, economical, and industrial reasons which have often been urged in support of it. The reason which operated upon the convention and seemed to them conclusive was the action of the two sections respectively at the election held on the 8th instant to determine the future national relations of the State. In that election the people of East Tennessee, by a majority of nearly 20,000 votes, decided to adhere to the Federal Union, established prior to the American Revolution, and to which Tennessee was admitted in the year 1796; while the rest of the State is reported to have decided by a majority approaching even more nearly to unanimity to leave the Federal Union and to join the body politic recently formed under name of the Confederate States of America. The same diversity of sentiment was exhibited, but less distinctly, at the election on the 9th of February last, when the people of East Tennessee decided by a heavy majority against holding a convention to discuss and determine our Federal relations, overcoming by nearly 14,000 the majority in the rest of the State in favor of such a convention. This hopeless and irreconcilable difference of opinion and purpose leaves no alternative but a separation of the two sections of the State, for it is not to be presumed that either would for a moment think of subjugating the other, or of coercing it into a political condition repugnant alike to its interest and to its honor. Certainly the people of East Tennessee entertain no such purpose toward the rest of the State; and the avowals of their western brethren in connection with their recent political action have been too numerous and explicit to leave us in any doubt as to their views. It remains, therefore, that measures be adopted to effect a separation amicably, honorably, and magnanimously, by a settlement of boundaries so as to divide East Tennessee and any contiguous counties or districts which may desire to adhere to her from the rest of the State, and by a fair, just, and equitable division of the public property and the common liabilities. It has occurred to the undersigned as the best method of accomplishing this most desirable end that your body should take immediate action in the premises by giving a formal assent to the proposed separation, pursuant to the provisions of Section 3, Article 4, of the Constitution of the United States, and by convoking a convention representing the sovereign power of the people of the respective divisions of Tennessee, with plenary authority to so amend the constitution of the State as to carry into effect the change contemplated. With a view to such action, or to action leading to the same result, the undersigned ask permission to confer with your body, either in general session or through a committee appointed for this purpose, so as to consider and determine the details more satisfactorily than could otherwise be done.
Awaiting a response to this memorial, the undersigned beg to add assurances of every endeavor on their part not only to preserve the peaceful relations heretofore subsisting between the people in the two portions of the State, but to remove as far as possible all causes of disturbance in the future, so that each may be left free to follow its chosen path of prosperity and honor, unembarrassed by any collision with the other.
O. P. TEMPLE.
JAS. P. McDOWELL.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. I, pp. 178-179.
20, 1862 - Loyalty and ice in Memphis
"LOYALTY IN MEMPHIS."
The Herald of the 20th of June contains three columns of revelations upon the encouraging developments of "Loyalty" to Lincoln in Memphis, and states that citizens are rebel soldiers are coming to "take the oath" at the rate of 350 per day. What is strange, however, unlike Lincoln, Seward, and Gen. Scott, they do not take it with ice. Notwithstanding there is a great abundance of ice in Memphis. All these columns of brags are wound up with the following extract from the Memphis Argus:
The Demand For Ice.-Never since Memphis attained the dimension of a city has as little demand existed for ice at present. Some of our dealers in the article have full warehouses, and their daily sales amount to comparatively nothing. One dealer informs us that although at this time last year his sales amounted daily to between and twenty tons, now the scarcely reach a ton. Ice is receiving the cold shoulder this season.
Think of that! With a Federal army in Memphis to aid the consumption. Is it not too plain to be misunderstood, that such is the popular detestation of the Lincolnites in Memphis that the people drink warm river water, rather than cool it with ice brought Northern invaders!
Macon Daily Telegraph, July 1, 1862
20, 1863 - Skirmish at Knoxville
KNOXVILLE, June 20, 1863. The enemy attacked us with five regiments mounted infantry and two pieces of rifle artillery last night. This morning we drove him back, and he will try to escape via Rogersville through Big Creek, Moccasin or Mulberry Gap, attempting to destroy bridges at Strawberry Plains before leaving. Your Fifty-first [Fifty-fourth] Virginia has been ordered to that point. Gen. Buckner left for Clinton yesterday.
V. SHELIHA, Chief of Staff.
Report of Lieut. Col. Milton A. Haynes, C. S. Artillery.
DEPARTMENT OF EAST TENNESSEE, Knoxville, June 21, 1863.
SIR: At the request of Col. [R. C.] Trigg, temporarily in command of the troops at Knoxville in the absence of Maj.-Gen. Buckner, I have the honor to report the following particulars in regard to the battle of yesterday:
On the 18th instant I returned to this City from Sevier [County], where I had been in command of an expedition against a party of bushwhackers. On my arrival, I learned that Maj.-Gen. Buckner had marched toward Big Creek Gap with all the artillery and all the other disposable force at this post, except Col. Trigg's Fifty-first [Fifty-fourth] Virginia Regt. [sic] and Col. [J. J.] Finley's Seventh [Sixth] Florida Regt. [sic]; effective force about 1,000 men.
On the morning of the 19th, I was informed by Maj. Van Sheliha, acting chief of staff, that the enemy in large force had passed by Loudon, and were at Lenoir Station, 24 miles from Knoxville, and he requested me to take charge of the artillery defense of the City, and to organize my force from the convalescents in the hospitals and from citizens to man my guns then in the City. At the same time he gave the following order:
HDQRS. DEPARTMENT OF EAST TENNESSEE, June 19, 1863.
Maj. [S. H.] Reynolds, chief of ordnance, will issue to Lieut.-Col. Haynes' corps artillery, C. S. Army, as many field pieces as can possibly but in condition with a few hours. He will also furnish Lieut.-Col. Haynes with all the necessary equipments, and with 100 rounds of ammunition.
By order of Maj.-Gen. Buckner:
VON SHELIHA, Chief of Staff.
In obedience to this order (given to me in absence of Gen. Buckner), I went to the ordnance department and found eight pieces of field artillery there, but no harness. Maj. Reynolds promptly said that in one hour he would have the ammunition-chests filled, and that they would then be subject to my orders. I then went to Maj. [J.] Glover, chief quartermaster of East Tennessee, and requested him to send to the ordnance department 70 horses or mules, with harness and drivers for every two.
In the mean time the citizens of Knoxville had been ordered to report to me or to Col. [E. D.] Blake for duty the defense of the City Finding myself too much engaged to obey this order in person, I appointed Maj. H. Baker (formerly of the artillery of Tennessee) to receive and assign them to duty as they reported. At 3 [o'clock] in the afternoon of that day [19th] it was known that the enemy was within 5 miles of the City, and their advance were skirmishing with 37 of our cavalrymen (all we had at Knoxville) at Mrs. Lomis' house. At this hour Maj. Glover had already sent the requisite number of horses, mules, and drivers for the eight pieces of artillery at the ordnance department. I immediately posted them in sections at College Hill, under Maj. Baker (the exposed point); second, on McGee's Hill, under Capt. Hugh L. W. McClung, and, third, under Lieut. Patterson and Lieut. J. J. Burroughs, at Summit Hill, in front of the ordnance department. This last battery had been fortified during the afternoon, under the superintendence of Capt. [W. F.] Foster, of the Engineers (by my order), with a cotton-bale revetment, the cotton bales having been promptly sent from all quarters by Maj. Glover, chief quartermaster. During that evening, the enemy failing to advance, Col. Trigg (temporarily in command at Knoxville), without consulting, me removed Maj. Baker's battery from College Hill to a point near the asylum hospital. In the evening, upon hearing the reports of my officers, I ascertained that about 200 persons, citizens, and convalescent soldiers from hospitals, had reported for duty, and that each of my batteries was fully manned, although in the morning of the same day there was no artillery force whatever in the City.
During the night [19th] I made a reconnaissance, passing the enemy's lines as a farmer, giving all the information they desired in regard to the state of the defenses, telling them that they could march into Knoxville without the loss of a man. I told them that I saw Col. Haynes about sunset, moving some cannon toward the depot-I thought about four in all-drawn by mules. Having passed to a point at which it was necessary for me to turn off, and having all the information I could obtain, I returned to Knoxville at midnight. [19th] I visited all my batteries, and advised them that early in the morning the enemy would attack, and directed Capt. McClung and Maj. Baker to consider themselves as reserves, to be moved wherever needed.
During the night [19th-20th] the pickets of the enemy advanced upon the City, but our pickets, thrown out by Col. Trigg, after an hour's skirmish, drove them back at about 2 o'clock in the morning. [20th]
At 7 o'clock on the 20th four pieces of artillery, detached by Gen. Buckner from his command, reached the ordnance depot (where I then was), and I immediately conducted them to the rear as a reserve. I then went to Summit Hill battery, where I found Col. Trigg and his chief of staff (Maj. Sheliha) near the hospital. While in consultation with them, we saw the enemy marching at double-quick time on our right beyond the work-shops, where we had neither battery nor soldiers to oppose them. Col. Trigg soon afterward ordered Col. Finley's Seventh [Sixth] Regt. [sic] Florida Volunteers and two pieces of [B. F.] Wyly's battery to take possession of Temperance Hill; but before this order was given I had taken a section of Wyly's battery and moved them at a gallop to a point immediately in front of the advancing column, and opened fire upon them with spherical case. The enemy took shelter behind houses and fences, and threw forward sharpshooters within 200 yards of our battery, we being entirely unsupported by infantry and 400 yards from any support. At the same time a battery of 3-inch rifled guns belonging to the enemy opened upon us at 800 yards, and during the first two or three shots killed and wounded some of our men and several horses. I then advanced the battery, and ordered them not to fire at the artillery, but at the infantry. The enemy at this moment forming column, advanced rapidly, and for a moment I supposed the day was lost. At this moment the chief of the 12th howitzer said to me, "Col., I can't hit them fellows; please get down and try it yourself." I dismounted, took my post as a gunner of the left, ordered canister, and sighted the piece myself, and after two rounds the enemy was in full retreat and the day was won. During the same time the battery under Lieut. J. J. Burroughs and Lieut. Patterson, on Summit Hill, were also engaged and kept up a continual fire during which Capt. McClung and Lieut. Fellows were killed. The section under Lieut. Whelon having reached Temperance Hill, opened fire upon the retreating enemy, which, with the fire from Wyly's battery, Burroughs' battery, and Maj. Baker's, completed the victory.
During this fight, although sharpshooters were sent out against us, none were sent out to sustain us, although 1,000 men were immediately behind us.
The enemy had one battery of artillery and about 2,600 men opposed to about 1,000 men, part of whom were citizens and convalescent soldiers. That they were fully beaten may appear from the fact that the commanding officer of the army sent to me a message by Lieut. Lutrell, of the C. S. Army, a prisoner, paroled by him, to the effect:
I send you my compliments, and say that but for the admirable manner with which you managed your artillery I would have taken Knoxville to-day.
It is not out of place for me to say that Col. E. D. Blake, chief of conscripts and for the day commander of all volunteer infantry, contributed by his zeal and well-known courage to the honorable result.
Among many citizens who reported to me that day for duty, I must not forget to mention Hon. Landon C. Haynes, Hon William H. Sneed, Hon. John H. Crozier, Rev. James H. Martin, and Rev. Mr. Woolfolk, and many others who do not desire me to mention their names. With such compatriots and such fellow-soldiers a man might willingly at any time meet the foe.
Our loss was 2 officers and 2 enlisted men killed, and 4 enlisted men wounded. Loss of enemy, 45.
I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant,
MILTON A. HAYNES, Lieut. Col., Provisional Army Confederate States, Cmdg. Arty.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. I, pp. 391-392.
20, The story of Ms. Mary Ann Pitman (a.k.a. Lieutenant Rawley, Mary Hayes, "Mollie"), Lieutenant in Freeman's Infantry and Forrest's cavalry, and a Confederate spy and arms smuggler
No circumstantial reports filed.
Excerpt from the Examination of Mary Ann Pitman by Col. J. P. Sanderson, provost-marshal-general Department of the Missouri.
SAINT LOUIS, June 20, 1864.
I resided near Chestnut Bluff, Tenn., and went into the Confederate service on the breaking out of the rebellion. Myself and Lieut. Craig went around and got together enough volunteers to make up a company, which we took into Freeman's regiment. I was second lieutenant in the infantry. After the battle of Shiloh I commanded the company. I took my company then and joined Forrest's command, as first lieutenant, and acted as such under the name of Lieut. Rawley. While with Forrest's command I was, a large portion of the time, occupied on special service, much of which was of a secret character and in the performance of which I passed in the character of a female. Whilst so employed I was detailed to procure ordnance and ammunition, and came to Saint Louis as Mary Hays.
The first time I came here, which was during the winter of 1864, I stopped at the Everett House. I had been told that the house of Beauvais would supply ammunition for the Confederates. I went there and met John Beauvais. By means of secret signs, known to those in the secret, I made myself known to him and he recognized me. I told him I desired to see him at the Everett House on business, and he called. When he called I told him what my business was and what I wanted, which was caps. I told him that I wanted arms and ammunition, but at that time clothing but caps. He said he would supply me with anything I wanted and brought me $80 worth, which I took down the river on a boat, the name of which I cannot remember. I landed at Randolph and passed through the Federal lines to Forrest. The second time I came up on the City of Alton to Columbus, and from Columbus to Saint Louis on the Von Phul. I went to the Everett House again, but it was crowded, and then I called at Beauvais' office, after which I went to Barnum's and John Beauvais came up to Barnum's to see me. I again told him what the object of my visit was, and he brought about the same number of caps, two pair of Smith & Wesson pistols, and, I think, six boxes of cartridges. I believe that was all I got at that time. I went down on the Von Phul again to Randolph and passed through the lines to Forrest. I came a third time; came up from Randolph on the Hillman, and again stopped at Barnum's. I again sent for Beauvais, and when he came told him what I wanted, all of which he brought to me. He brought $80 worth of caps and pair or two of fine Colt pistols, officer's belt and scabbard, arms and cartridges for--I have forgotten what pistol. There were three boxes. The second time I came I got a silver pencil and a gold pen, and I got a watch mended--that was the second time--I was thinking it was the last time. I got the last time $80 worth of caps and a pair of Colt revolvers, officer's scabbard and belt, gun, cloak, and leggings.
At these different interviews I made known to Mr. Beauvais that these things were for Forrest's command. The first time he said to me that they were talking of conscripting, and he told me that if they did he was going South; if they I did not, he would not go, for he could be of more service to the Confederacy here than in the South; but if they conscripted he was going, for he never would fight for the Federal Government; that he was a Southern man in principle and always had been. He told me he would do anything in the world for the South, and that his father was as good a Southern man as he was, and would do anything for the South. He asked me about how the times were at the South.
The second time I came up I told him about Forrest and Sherman having that fight, and he was glad to hear it, and rejoiced that Forrest gave him a thrashing. He told me if I came there at any time and he was away on business all I had to do was just to make known to his father who I was, and what my business was, and he would let me have anything I wanted, and if he could not supply it himself he would get if for me. His father would to anything I asked in favor of the South. He also told me that his father belonged to this secret order. I never have seen him but twice. The last time I was at his store after he had been arrested.
On these trips which I made I had no interviews with the landlord of the Everett House, nor did I make known to him my business or character. I had an interview with Barnum and his head clerk, Mr. Morrison, and I think also the second time I made known my character to Barnum, that I was detailed by Gen. Forrest. I knew him because he belonged to the same order as I did. The clerk I just told my business. I discovered in my interview with Barnum that he was in the same secrets as myself. His clerks were not, or, if they were, they would not receive any recognition or give any. Yet they said they were Southern men, and would do all they could for the South. The second clerk had been in the Confederate Army, where he was wounded and then discharged. In going down the river these different trips, I made the porter on the Von Phul acquainted with the secret and he hid some things for me. So did the porter on the Hillman and the clerk on the Hillman. Neither of these men belonged to the same secret order. The clerks on the Hillman and Von Phul to, though, but the latter did not conceal anything from me because the porter did what I wanted, and I did not have to call upon him. He told me I could go up and down on the boat whenever I wanted to, and it would not cost me a cent.
After my capture I had an interview with John Beauvais at his store. When I went in he was in the private office back of the store. I went back and spoke to him, and he got up and went back to the back part of the store. His father was selling some jewelry to a lady. He spoke to me and asked me how I came on, and about how times were in the South, and asked me if I was up on the same business, and I said I was. He said, I am sorry, Mollie, that I cannot supply you this time, for, he said, they know just what I have got and my father and I and the clerks are under bonds, and I am not allowed to touch or sell anything in that line, but, he said, if you will go on to Cincinnati you can get what you want there, and as soon as this thing is over you shall have anything you want. I had his picture with me when I was captured. I denied to him that I was at Fort Pillow and that I burned his picture. I did not want to let him know I was captured. The picture I actually burned.
I went to this store the last time under the advice of a Memphis detective with a view to see if he would continue the sale after he was arrested. I landed, on the last trip, at Randolph. When I got there I was not going to Forrest; I was going to send him those things, which I did, by one of his officers, Capt. Wright, and was not going. I was going back to Saint Louis. I had sent him a letter stating that I had procured a large quantity of caps, powder, ammunition, &c.; that I had employed Mr. Williams to bring them down. I was waiting for an order from Forrest to say where he wanted them sent to. There was a large quantity, quite a wagonload. I was not going to Forrest myself at all, but when I got there, the next day after I had sent them as many as Capt. Wright and his brother and a negro boy, which he owned, could carry, I sent word to Forrest I intended to go right back to Saint Louis as soon as I could arrange the business there. I received a dispatch from Forrest ordering me to report at his headquarters, about ten miles from Fort Pillow. He wanted me to take my position in the field, as he said he would rather detail ten of his best officers for this business than lose my services at that time. So I started on a mule and was captured. Somebody told on me. They had something in the papers about my being captured--taking an officer's horse away and threatening to shoot him--which was all false. I was taken from the place where I was captured to Fort Pillow. I was captured about five or six miles from Fort Pillow at the house of Mr. Green, a Southern man. I was there, I think, three days; two or three, I am not certain which.
While I was at Fort Pillow I was standing one day some distance from headquarters, and there was a gentleman came up behind me, slapping me on the shoulder and asked if he had the honor of meeting Lieut. Rawley. I said yes. He said that Forrest was coming here with 4,000 men to take the place and he was going to take it if it took every man he had, and he would learn them how to arrest women--he would teach them a lesson. I did not know the man, though his face looked familiar. He turned right away and I went right into the office at headquarters; a short time afterward he came in. He wanted a pass to go out, and a Tennessee soldier who came with him into the office vouched for his loyalty. As Col. Booth was making out a pass for him, I slapped him on the shoulder, when he turned around and said: "Must I grant this pass, Mollie, or must I not?" I said, "Use your own judgment, colonel; you know your own business best." He issued the pass and the man went out. After the man was gone I told Col. Booth what I had heard; that Forrest was coming in a few days with 4,000 men, and he would undoubtedly take the place if he made the attempt. My advice was to evacuate the fort or re-enforce it at once, for if Forrest did get possession the Federal forces, and especially the officers, would be badly used. He told me, "Mollie, now make your preparation to go to Memphis this evening, for I be damned if he shall have you." He then told the captain of Gun-boat No. 7 to stop the first boat that came down, or sink her. I went to Memphis and the fort was taken the next day or day after--I think the day after.
Before my capture my mind and feeling had undergone a very material change from what they were when I started out in the war as to the character of the Northern people and soldiers and the merits of the controversy involved. I started out with the most intense feelings of prejudice against the Northern people. I regarded all I had heard as to their views, character, and purposes to be true, but my intercourse with such as came into our possession during my service in the Confederate Army, and especially my trip to Saint Louis, convinced me of my error in this respect. I found the Union officers and soldiers not to be the desperadoes which I had been taught to believe them to be. At Saint Louis I found business flourishing, people thriving, and everything so entirely different from the condition of things in the South and from what I had supposed to be that my observations could not help but make an impression upon my mind. While it had not for a moment the effect of inducing even a thought in me to desert the Confederate service, and thus be guilty of a dishonorable act, it had, nevertheless, the effect, as I have already stated, of materially changing my views and feelings. This was the condition of my mind when I was captured, and I accordingly immediately resolved to perform an honorable part and do nothing to discredit or disgrace my name. While satisfied that I had been performing services which placed my life at the mercy and disposal of the Federal Government, I felt it to be my duty to tell the truth and do what I could to atone for the past, and resolved to throw myself upon the Government. I resolved, be the result with me personally what it might, never to return to the Confederate service and continue my former career. I accordingly, immediately on my arrival at Fort Pillow, gave such information as I could to vindicate my personal integrity and show the authorities my determination to act in good faith. Acting under this determination, I at once disclosed such information as I believed to be of important use to the Federal authorities. I informed them, without reserve, of all I had done myself, and also stated to Col. Booth that if he would send me with an officer and adequate force I would be able to place him in possession of Gen. Forrest as a prisoner in a short time. I knew him to be that night within ten miles of the fort, and would have had no difficulty in enabling Col. Booth, by adopting my advice, to have taken Forrest, for I knew him to be away from his command at a place designated, where he was to meet me on my return. He was to have met me there for the purpose of bringing my uniform and horse, which he could not trust to another, so that I might change my female apparel and reassume the character of Lieut. Rawley. Col. Booth seemed to believe me, and was anxious to carry my proposition out; yet he feared and hesitated, and after a considerable consultation with other officers, finally resolved not to venture on it.
After my arrival at Memphis I made known to the officers what I had already disclosed to Col. Booth. Among the rest, I gave them an account of my visits to Saint Louis and the purposes for which I went there, which led them to send me here.
* * * *
Question. Do you know of Treasury notes being furnished to the Confederate Government through the means which this order furnishes for communication between the North and South?
Answer. I have no personal knowledge, but I know that the Confederate Government has usually an abundant supply of greenbacks to furnish for raids and other purposes in which it is necessary to use that kind of money. I know this, because on one occasion it became necessary for me to have some, and I called the attention of Gen. Forrest to it. He told me that in a few days he would have an abundance. A few days afterward I called to see him and he furnished me what I needed. At the same time he showed me a letter, which I read. It was dated at Washington and purported to be signed by one Chase and addressed to Gen. Forrest, in which the latter was informed that $20,000 had been forwarded to President Davis at Richmond for $900 in gold. The letter went on to say that Chase had advised President Davis that he would furnish him with as many greenbacks as he wished at the rate of $4 for $1 in gold. When I read this letter--it being signed by Chase--I was under the impression that it was Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, but it was only an impression and nothing that Forrest had said about the person. There was an officer waiting at the time to see Forrest, and he told me that at some other time, when more at leisure, he would tell me all about this man Chase; that he was an important man--one of our head and leading men at Washington, and a member of the order. I knew he was a member of the order, for the signs of it were in the letter.
* * * *
OR, Ser. II, Vol. 7, pp. 345-350.
According to Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, (G.& C. Merriam Company; Springfield Mass, 1981), "Mollie," a nickname for Mary, is also defined as a prostitute, a doll, or a gangster's girl friend. It is difficult to say if the use of Mollie was merely out of familiarity or because of her actually bestowing sexual favors on Major Booth and/or General Forrest. Pitman's story seems to be a cross between Helen of Troy and Mata Hari.
Following his investigation into the secret societies Colonel Sanderson had the following to say concerning Mary Ann Pitman:
"This woman was attached to the command of the rebel Forrest, as an officer under the name of Lieut. Rawley; but because her sex afforded her unusual facilities for crossing our lines she was often employed in the execution of important commissions within our territory, and, as a member of the order, was made extensively acquainted with other members, both of the Northern and Southern sections. Her testimony is thus peculiarly valuable, and being a person of unusual intelligence and force of character, her statements are sufficient, pointed, and emphatic... "
OR, Ser. II, Vol. 7, pp. 951-952.
James B. Jones, Jr.
Tennessee Historical Commission
2941 Lebanon Road
Nashville, TN 37214