6, "PROVOST HILLYER AND THE PAPERS."
The Provost General is considered a pretty severe man by the old journalists of Memphis, simply because ere permitting them to form public opinion under the protection of the United States' flag, he required an oath of allegiance which no loyal [man] could refuse to take; and which none [but those?] harboring sinister motives against the [government?] would seek to avoid. Every [paper] in Memphis during the rebellion poured abuse on the National Government, strove to throw sanctity over insurrection, and tear asunder that Government and that Union in which for generations the press enjoyed, and in which it still enjoys, greater freedom than ever it acquired even in Constitutional England.
No man of sense and candor can deny that ere protected in their freedom, papers who had continually opposed the Constitution, should be sworn to cease being rebellious. The Argus was rebellious, and a proof of that it lived or vegetated by rebellion may be found in the fact that ere its proprietors would swear to a future loyalty, they preferred to cease issuing any paper at all; and their refusal simply proves the wisdom and justice of Provost Hillyer's emphatic order. The Avalanche was a trader in the rebellion; when it passed to its late owners, Messrs. BINGHAM, FOWLKES and WILLS, they pledged its columns to the cause of rebellion, and to the support of the principles and practices of M. C. Galloway. The paper never retraced that pledge. What government in the midst of such a rebellion could permit the continuance of a paper so pledged without a positive assurance of returning loyalty from its proprietors? Its columns, ever since the return of the national flag, were filled with insulting recognitions of the so-called Confederate President and Government, coupled with paltry praises of our officers, but no flattery from any source, much less from a one, could swerve a national officer from the plain path of his duty; and the action of Dr. FOWLKES in the matter established the disloyalty of the paper, and the wisdom and justice of order of the Provost General beyond question.
Col. Hillyer is a very hearty kind gentleman, but under his velvety and frank address he conceals a hand of iron, where duty is concerned; and we cannot to much commend his promptness and firmness in dealing with the rebel press of his Provostship [sic]. The press is free under the protection of the Union, but if it strives to rend that Union asunder, who can deny the justice of governmental resistance and of the infliction of merited punishment? Can humanity, in any organization, be expected to forget that self-preservation is the first law of its nature, and would any man protect or tolerate unreturned blows aimed at his own existence?
We revere the freedom of the press, but we also admire the wisdom of the officers who will not permit it to destroy the spring whence it flows – the Union, the Constitution, and the laws.
Memphis Union Avalanche, July 6, 1862.
6, "The enemy is entirely out of Tennessee…." A New York Times War Correspondent's Report on the Tullahoma Campaign.
IMPORTANT FROM TENNESSEE.
The Enemy Driven Out of Winchester.
Gen. Rosecrans Pressing Bragg Closely.
Special Dispatch to the New York Times.
Tullahoma, Monday, July 6 – 3 A.M.
Maj.-Gen. Thomas has succeeded in crossing the Elk River, with his corps and a division of cavalry, under Gen Stanley, and is in close pursuit of Bragg's army with every prospect of capturing their wagon train and rear guard.
Maj.-Gen. Sherman occupied Winchester this morning, his advance driving out the rear guard of the rebels, and at last accounts he was pushing them hard.
It is thought that b Bragg can hardly cross the mountains without suffering a severe loss, and perhaps being forced into a battle. Our loss during the campaign in killed is between 400 and 500; wounded about 300. The enemy's loss is more than double, besides about 1,000 prisoners; and, without a battle and the necessary loss of life, the enemy have been driven out of Tennessee.
Tullahoma, Saturday, July 4.
The telegraph wires have been extended to this place.
The following is a summary of the movements for the last three days.
Further developments proved that the rebel retreat from this place had not been so clear as my first dispatch indicated. Haste to record the event induced me to give but a superficial examination. The works are much stronger than I supposed. Fort Rains, a large bastion, is the centre of a series or circle of outer works, bearing upon every road and important point in the vicinity of Northern [sic] Tennessee. The weakness of Bragg was in not holding Manchester. As soon as Gen Rosecrans took Manchester, and advanced toward Winchester, he flanked any equal or inferior force at Tullahoma. As soon as the head of the columns got south of Tullahoma, Bragg evacuated.
Instead of one, we have four siege guns; instead of "stores" we have a largae amount of meal and other provisions. After finding on the 1st inst. that Tullahoma was evacuated, Rosecrans threw forward his force in rapid pursuit, Gen. Thomas moving on the Manchester road from Tullahoma, Gen. Thomas moved rapidly in the hopes of striking the enemy, moving nearly due east on the military road built by Bragg. This Gen. Thomas waited to do until the enemy was well beyond the angle, and when he was crossing Elk River, the division of Gen. Negley encountered the rear of Hardee at a point about four miles north of Elk River, and skirmished with it all day, losing four or five killed or wounded. Among the prisoner were Lieut. Flatt, of the Eleventh Michigan.
The enemy's rear-guard, under Wheeler, made a stubborn resistance delaying Gen. Negley, so that the rebel trains got beyond the river during the night of the 1st. This same process, on the part of Gen Buckner, enabled Gen. Bragg, with the reserve artillery, twenty pieces, to cross Elk River at Estelle Springs on the night of the 1st, and to reach the mountains. The enemy on both roads burned the bridges, and the rear guards took up positions in hastily-built works on the opposite side of the river. It was understood this was for the purpose of delaying our crossing as long as possible. In order to enable the infantry and trains to get into the mountains. To aid them in this a very heavy rain came up, and the river rose very high. Natives say they never saw the river so high.
The situation on the night of the 1st was: at Estill Springs, with Buckner, opposite the forks; Thomas at a point at [illegible] miles up the river, with the enemy on the opposite bank. The main rebel army was in the vicinity of Winchester and Decherd, in camp, ready to move on the 2d into the mountains. Department headquarters were on the same night established at Tullahoma. Gen Crittenden, with a full corps, was sent by a rapid march to take possession of the road leading from Decherd, via Tracey [sic] City, to Chattanooga. This was successful, and forced the enemy to take the roads across the mountains. On the morning of the 2d McCook crossed at the mouth of Rock Creek, below the enemy's position, in front of our right, and thus flanked the enemy who withdrew to Winchester and the mountains.
At the Upper Bridge, where Negley was posted similar maneuvering was made with little better success. Roseau and Brennan were sent to the upper crossing, to come down in the rear of the enemy, whom Negley was to detain, not drive. It was thought that Roseau could cross by 10 A.M. but the swollen state of the river prevented, and only a few troops got across in time. Meantime a cavalry bridge came in upon the right flanked of the enemy. The firing was mistaken for that of Roseau, and Negley opened with two batteries on the enemy's position, 1,000 yards distant, dismantling one gun and killing several rebel gunners. They were taken completely by surprise, and made but few replies. Retreating precipitately. Meant time Turchin had engaged the rebel right, and, after a fight of two hours, drove it and the entire rebel force from the field, killing 35 of them.
The fight only ended at 2 P.M. The troops were unable to cross until the morning of the 3d. They moved only a short distance, Negley encamping on the battlefield, and Roseau and Branan on the bank of the river. McCook meantime advanced to and occupi8ed Winchester, Decherd and Cowan. This morning the whole force advanced to the foot of the mountain at Cowan, to find the enemy gone.
We lost not over 1,100 men by casualties of all kinds. The troops suffered much from alternate heat and rain. We have 1,500 to 2,000 prisoners, many of them deserters.
The enemy is entirely out of Tennessee, and our communication intact. The railroad will be running to this point to-morrow. [sic].
New York Times, July 6, 1863.
6, Effect of the Tullahoma Campaign upon the civilian population of Middle Tennessee
An old lady, whose home is on the side of the mountain, called on me to-day and said she had not had a cup of coffee since the war commenced. She was evidently very poor; and, although we had no coffee to spare, I gave her enough to remind her again of the taste.
Our soldiers have been making a clean sweep of the hogs, sheep, and poultry on the route. For the rich rebels I have no sympathy, but the poor we must pity. The war cuts off from them entirely the food which in better times, they acquire with great labor and difficulty. The forage for the army horses and mules, and we have an immense number, consists almost entirely of wheat in the sheaf -- wheat that has been selling for ten dollar dollars per bushel in Confederate money. I have seen hundreds of acres of wheat in the sheaf disappear in an hour. Rails have been burned without stint, and numberless fields of growing corn left unprotected. However much suffering this destruction of property may entail on the people of this section I am inclined to think the effect will be good. It will bring them to a realizing sense of the loss sustained when they threw aside the protecting shield of the old Constitution, and the security which they enjoyed in the Union.
The season's crop of wheat, corn, oats, and hogs would have been of the utmost value to the Confederate army; when destroyed, there will be nothing in middle Tennessee to tempt it back.
Beatty, Citizen Soldier, pp., 293-294.
A TALE OF TWO CITIES: THE HIDDEN BATTLE AGAINST VENEREAL DISEASE IN CIVIL WAR NASHVILLE AND MEMPHIS. By James B. Jones, Jr.
MAJOR EVENTS and names in Tennessee's Civil War history are well known and well chronicled. Dramatic stories of Shiloh and Stone River and exciting wartime biographies of Rosecrans, Forrest, and Bragg have monopolized scholars' and readers' attention. Until recently, however, very little attention has been paid to the medical and social aspects of Tennessee's Civil War experience. As Patricia La Pointe has recognized: "One contingency poorly prepared for…was medical care." Both Nashville and Memphis became important centers for logistical, supply, and medical activities during the conflict, and both cities were occupied by the United States Army. Where soldiers collected it was nearly axiomatic that prostitutes would collect as well. Certainly, the problem presented by prostitution and venereal disease was not planned for by the army, and it became a problem of major significance in Nashville and Memphis.
According to official medical records, "venereal diseases were associated with intemperance in the conditions which favored their causation." Incidence was higher "among troops stationed in the vicinity of cities than among those on active service." Increases in the disease rate during the war corresponded with the additions of fresh levies of troops and the returns of furloughed veterans. In total there were 73,382 cases of syphilis, and 109,397 cases of gonorrhea reported among white soldiers in the Union Army resulting in 82 cases per 1,000 men. Among black troops, 34 cases per 1,000 per syphilis, and 44 per 1,000 gonorrhea were reported. Thus, while not epidemic, venereal diseases were not unknown. The U.S. Army made efforts to limit the spread of these diseases among the troops, and the surgeon general reported: "The results were highly satisfactory."
While specific complaints concerning venereal diseases were not known to be extant, advertisements in Nashville newspapers for the period indicate the problem was real. Dr. Coleman's Dispensary for Private Diseases on North Cherry Street (now Fourth Avenue), catered to victims of venereal diseases. Dr. Richard A. Jones on Deaderick Street likewise offered treatments for "private diseases."
In 1860, Nashville's red-light district was located "in quarter…two blocks wide and four blocks long, being the first block south of Spring (now Church) Street, on Front, Market, College, and Cherry (now First, Second, Third, and Fourth Avenues) Streets." The district, called Smokey row, does not appear to have relocated elsewhere. In 1864, for example, "a house of ill fame" was located on College Street (now Third Avenue). Business was brisk and the incidence of venereal disease sky-rocketed. one private from Mahoning County, Ohio, Benton E. Dubbs, recalled that while he was in Nashville "there was an old saying that no man could be a soldier unless he had gone through Smokey Row…. The street was about three fourths of a mile long and every house or shanty on both sides was a house of ill fame. Women had no thought of dress or decency. They said Smokey Row killed more soldiers than the war."
By June 1863, Brigadier General R. S. Granger, in command at Nashville, was "daily and almost hourly beset" by regimental commanders and surgeons seeking a means of ridding the city of "diseased prostitutes infesting it." Action was essential "to save the army from a fate worse…than to perish on the battlefield." Prostitution itself, though physically harmless, led to venereal disease, and was equally "annoying and destructive to the morals of the army."
Just after the Fourth of July, Provost Marshal Lt. Colonel George Spalding, eighteenth Michigan Infantry, responded to pressure from superiors with a summary round-up and forced exile of all known prostitutes. The prostitutes' removal was "a military necessity." on July 6, the combined forces of the provost marshal and the city police force began the "removal of all women of ill-fame…which produced a considerable agitation in the northern part of this city." Spalding succeeded and the "cyprians" were put aboard the steamer Idahoe to be sent north. The exact number of women loaded onto the ship is not known; estimates range from forty to fifteen hundred.
The operation was not gentle. "Squads of soldiers were engaged in…heaping furniture out of the various dens, and then tumbling their disconsolate owners after." The soldiers did not discriminate when making arrests and so some "respectable ladies…were unceremoniously marched off." one newspaper hoped that "this course toward bad women will have a salutatory effect upon the morals of the soldiers."
The women were sent to Louisville, Kentucky, on board the Idahoe which was procured by the government "for the especial service of deporting the 'sinful fair.'" The problem seemed well on its way to a final solution, but soon it became evident that extirpating all white prostitutes merely created a vacuum that was filled by black prostitutes. The rapid influx of contrabands into Nashville created a condition in which "a large number of the women [live] by prostitution…breeding disease which will spread like wild fire…So barefaced are these black prostitutes becoming that they parade the streets, and even public square, by day and night." Surely black prostitutes should be removed as well. The Nashville Daily Press was adamant and called for a "summary and effectual remedy."
Unless the aggravated curse of lechery as it exists among the negresses of the town is destroyed by rigid military or civil mandates, or the indiscriminate expulsion of the guilty sex, the ejectment of the white class will turn out to have been productive of the sin it was intended to eradicate…No city…has been more shamefully abused by the conduct of its unchaste female population, white or black, than has Nashville for the past…eighteen months…We trust that, while in the humor of ridding our town of libidinous white women, General Granger will dispose of the hundreds of …black ones who are making our fair city a Gamorrah.
There is no indication, however, that black prostitutes were rounded up or exiled as their white sisters had been. In fact, while Nashville's streets were soon considered so safe that "the young ladies and matrons can resume their…walks and pilgrimages," at least two "bawdy houses" remained in the city. While the editors of the Daily Press were pleased at the "decampment of the 'wayward daughters,'" the prostitutes, under military guard, were on their way back to Nashville.
The steamboat left Nashville for Louisville, Kentucky, on July 8, but authorities there refused to let the cargo of "ill-famed women" land. The same result was repeated at Cincinnati, Ohio, and Covington and Newport, Kentucky. Rumor held that the original order sending the prostitutes on their excursion had been revoked in Washington. The embarrassing fact that a government transport ship had been employed to carry the prostitutes resulted in the "very great grief of the army." The Daily Press was shocked and wished to send the women to Salt Lake City because "they'd make admirable latter day saints, and old Brigham would shout gloriously at their conversion." Nevertheless, by August 4 the Idahoe had returned and the prostitutes were back in Nashville "to resume their former manner of life."
Recognizing the exile's failure, Provost Marshal Spalding conceived a system of frequent medical inspection and licensed-and therefore legal-prostitution. His plan consisted of four parts. First, a license would be issued to each prostitute and a record kept of her address. Second, a surgeon would conduct weekly medical examinations; healthy women received a health certificate while any diseased women were sent to a hospital for treatment. Third, a special hospital for contaminated prostitutes was to be established and each prostitute would pay a fifty-cent weekly tax for its upkeep. Fourth, "all public women found plying their vocation without a license and health certificate" would be "incarcerated in the workhouse for…thirty days." In addition to the prostitutes' hospital, a soldiers' "Syphilitic Hospital" would be established later. According to Dr. R. Wallace, stationed in Nashville, "this is the first time and place that anything of this kind [the licensed prostitution system] has been in our country." The hospital for prostitutes was located in the North Market Street (now Second Avenue) mansion of Catholic Bishop Miles, while the soldiers' hospital was located at the Hynes High School, at the intersection of Summer and Lind Streets (now Fifth and Jo Johnston Avenues).
By January 1864, there were 300 licensed prostitutes and 60 cases of venereal disease reported among them. By early February, the Daily Press reported that $2,879.40 had been collected in fees, which "upon the whole…may be regarded as a pretty good business." In April, the number of licensed prostitutes in Nashville was put at 352, while 92 cases of venereal diseases were treated. By June 30, a total of 994 cases had been admitted to the female hospital. Within a year of its initiation, 456 white and 50 black prostitutes had been registered. Writing in October 1864, Dr. Wallace claimed that soon after it opened, "the Syphilitic Hospital was so full…that the other hospitals had to retain that class of patients instead of transferring them."
This novel preventative experiment also had some interesting social as well as medical consequences. As seen above, the number of registered prostitutes grew in occupied Nashville. This was partially because of what might be termed better working conditions. Many of the increased number of public women had been "drawn to Nashville from northern cities by the comparative protection from venereal disease which its license system afforded." The prostitutes gladly showed their certificates to clients, while the women were protected from charlatans and quacks when seeking medical help. Additionally, the appearance and manners of the city's public women improved. When the system of inspection and licensing began, most prostitutes "were exceedingly filthy in their persons and apparel and obscene and coarse in their language," a condition that "soon gave place to cleanliness and propriety."
The medical purveyor for the U.S. Army in Nashville, H.R. Fletcher, who was also in charge of the hospital for prostitutes, made this appraisal of the system on August 15, 1864:
It is not to be supposed that a system hastily devised, established for the first time on this continent…should be other than imperfect. We have no Parisian "Bureau des Moeurs," with its vigilant police…This much…is to be claimed, that after the…forcible expulsion of the prostitutes had…utterly failed, the more philosophic plan of recognizing and controlling an ineradicable evil has met with undoubted success.
While it was held incontestable that venereal disease had not been eliminated, it had been controlled. Regimental surgeons' reports indicated that because of the system, "the origin of the evil has been but to a small extent traceable to this city." And no wonder, as it was now common practice for officers to report both parties involved in any case of venereal disease. The offenders would then be sequestered for treatment and thus the spread of venereal disease was controlled.
About a year after the experiment had been implemented, initial moves were made in Memphis to emulate the Nashville system. Certainly prostitution was a problem, especially on the north side of Beale Street where "the demimonde reigns supreme." Moreover, condition in Memphis made the imposition of a system of legal and licensed prostitution easier. Special Order No. 70, issued by General C.C. Washburne, placed the city under martial law on July 2, 1864. The entire municipal government was suspended, while military officers replaced municipal officers. Lieutenant Colonel Thomas H. Harris, and later Captain Richard Channing, served as mayor. The idea was to form regulations for the "government of prostitutes…in Memphis." By August 2, the provisional military government adopted a resolution authorizing Harris to take action. After being approved throughout the chain of command, the system was initiated on September 30, 1864.
According to a "Private Circular" that was "intended for the information of women only" all prostitutes were to report to the registry office at 21 Union Street. "All women…in the city…living in boardinghouses, singly or as kept mistress" now had to "be registered and take out weekly certificates." Women living with responsible citizens of "good character" were exempt from weekly examinations. A fee of $2.50 was charged for a medical examination and certificate and provisions were made for house calls. once a medical certificate was issued a $10.00 registration fee was required. Every woman practicing prostitution in Memphis had until October 10 to comply. All monies thus received were to be used to support the newly established "private female wards" in the new City Hospital on the corner of Exchange Street and Front Row. These wards were for registered prostitutes only, and they were allowed admittance "at any time for any disease…free from any cost or charge whatever.
The army restrictions went beyond registration, however, and strictly forbade all prostitutes in Memphis from "'street walking,' soliciting, stopping, or talking with men on the streets; buggy or horseback riding for pleasure through the city in daylight; wearing a showy, flash [sic] or immodest dress in public; any language or conduct in public which attracts attention; visiting the public squares, the…theatre, or other resort of LADIES."
According to City Hospital physician A. Gregg's report for February 1865, 28 women remained in the hospital since January, while 15 had been admitted since the beginning of the month. A total of 42 women had been treated, and 14 discharged, while 3 women had died.
Mayor Channing also reported in February that 134 women had been registered as prostitutes, 110 of whom lived in the city. Among these were 92 boarders, 4 kept mistresses, and 14 housekeepers. "The inmates of all public houses," reported Channing, "and all other white cyprians" were also registered. A total of $6,428.65 had been collected in various fees, $2,535.16 spent on female hospital ward expenses, leaving a balance of $3,893.49. Since all the provost marshal's former efforts to suppress prostitution in Memphis had failed, as they had in Nashville, Mayor Channing realized that even though the system did not eliminate prostitution, it discouraged it and controlled its worst consequences.
The numbers of prostitutes had grown with the increase of soldiers. While venereal diseases were the army's chief cause of concern in this situation, prostitution itself had unsettling effects upon native morals as well. The unusual circumstance of civil war created a health problem only martial authority could police adequately. Although the particulars of the fate of these two cities' experiments in social control and disease prevention are sketchy, it is clear that they were abandoned soon after hostilities ceased. The January 1865 report of Nashville surgeon William M. Chambers summarizes a pattern that must have occurred in Memphis as well: "The prostitutes complain that they are not making much money now because of the scarcity of troops around the city. These women are rapidly leaving in all directions, some profess to be going home, while others are looking for situations where more money can be obtained wherewith to bedneck and bedizen themselves."
Yet, for the first time in American civil, military, and urban history, successful efforts were made to control venereal diseases through the establishment of legalized prostitution. Justified as military necessities, the U.S. Army Medical Department's action to eradicate venereal diseases through the forced expulsion of prostitutes failed. Even though the cause and effect relationship between bacteria and infection was unknown, the army responded deftly and recognized that regulation through social control would maintain the health and effectiveness of its soldiers. The hidden battle in Tennessee's Civil War history was a victory in both medical and moral terms and illustrates the variety of experience in that conflict.
This article first appeared in Civil War History, Vol. XXXI, No. 3, 1985 by the Kent State University Press. It is often plagerized yet seldom cited.
 Patricia M. La Pointe, "Military Hospitals in Memphis, 1861-1865," Tennessee Historical Quarterly 42 no. 4 (1983):325-42; Harris D. Riley, Jr., and Amos Christie, "Deaths and Disabilities in the Provisional Army of Tennessee," THQ 43, no. 2(1984): 142-54.
 United States Surgeon General's Office, The Medical and Surgical History of the War of Rebellion, vol. 1, pt. 3 ed. Charles Smart (Washington D.C.: GPO, 1888), 891 (hereafter cited as Medical and Surgical History).
 Nashville Daily Press, Sept. 20, 1864, and June 6, 1865.
 David Kaser, "Nashville's Women of Pleasure in 1860," THQ 23, no. 4 (1964): 382; Nashville Daily Press, Sept. 4, 1863, Jan. 25, 1864; Nashville Dispatch, Jan. 24 and 28. Mar. 9, and Aug. 16, 1864: Memoir of Benton E. Dubbs, Civil War Collection, Box F23, folder 12, Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville.
 Medical and Surgical History, 893; Ephriam A. Wilson, Memoirs of the War in one Volume (Cleveland: W. M. Bayne Printing Co. 1893), 151-52.
 Nashville Dispatch, July 8, 1863; Nashville Daily Press, July 7, 9, and 10, 1863; Medical and Surgical History, 893; Wilson, Memoirs, 152; Nashville Union, July 9, 1863.
 Nashville Daily Press, July 9 and 15, 1863.
 Ibid., July 7 and 9, 1863; Nashville Union, July 7, 9, and 26, 1863: Wilson, Memoirs, 152; Medical and Surgical History, 893.
 Nashville Dispatch, July 9, 1863; Nashville Daily Press, July 9, 1863.
 Nashville Daily Press, July 14 and 29, 1863.
 Nashville Dispatch, July 19, 1863; Nashville Daily Press, July 20, 1863; Cincinnati Gazette, July 16, 1863; Medial and Surgical History, 893. See also R. Wallace, "United States Hospitals at Nashville," Cincinnati Lancet and Observer 7 (Oct. 1864): 588.
 Medical and Surgical History, 893; Nashville Daily Press, Aug. 6, 1863.
 Medical and Surgical History, 893; Nashville Daily Press, Aug. 6 and 12, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, Aug. 13, 1863; George W. Adams, Doctors in Blue: The Medical History of the Union Army in the Civil War (New York: Henry Schuman, 1952), 171.
 Wallace, "United States Hospitals," 588. See also Medical and Surgical History, 894; Nashville Dispatch, Jan. 24, 1864; Nashville Daily Press, May 4 and Sept. 4, 1863. See also Aloysius F. Plaisance and Leo Schelver III, "Federal Military Hospitals in Nashville, May and June, 1864," THQ 29, no. 2(1970): 166-76.
 Medical and Surgical History, 894; Nashville Daily Press, Feb. 15, 1864; Wallace "United States Hospitals," 588. See also Paul E. Steiner, Disease in the Civil War; Natural Biological Warfare in 1861-1865 (Springfield, III.: Charles C. Thomas, 1968), 16, and William M. Chambers, Sanitary Report of the Condition of the Prostitutes of Nashville, Jan. 31, 1865, William P. Palmer Collection, Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, 3-4.
 Medical and Surgical History, 894.
 Nashville Daily Press, Dec. 8, 1864, and Medical and Surgical History, 894.
 Memphis Daily Bulletin, Jan. 19, Apr. 2 and 22, May 7, June 3 and 14, 1864; John M. Keating, History of the City of Memphis (Syracuse, N.Y.: D. Mason, 1888), 1:522-54: Medical and Surgical History, 894-95.
 Medical and Surgical History, 895. See also Memphis Daily Bulletin, June 7, 1865. In Nashville the city council attempted to outlaw the practice of some young officers who rode in open carriages with prostitutes. The attempt failed. At one point in Nashville a young "'fille de joie' rode in an open carriage nude from her waist heavenward" causing quite a disturbance. See Nashville Daily Press, May 5 and 6, Aug. 26, 1863, Sept. 10, 1864.
 Memphis Daily Bulletin, Mar. 8, 1865.
 Medical and Surgical History, 896. See also Memphis Daily Bulletin, June 7, 1865.
 Chambers, Sanitary Report, 14-15.