The Civil War in Tennessee: New Perspectives on Familiar Materials, Part I. By James B. Jones, Jr.
Over the past fifteen years, various state agencies, from the Tennessee Division of Archaeology to the Tennessee Historical Commission to the Tennessee Wars Commission to the Tennessee Department of Tourist Development, have conducted research and launched projects into the state's Civil War era. Additionally, the state's unique designation as the only Civil War Heritage Area in the nation is spurring new interest in the conflict. While goals ranged from pure research to historic preservation to cultural tourism, the end result was a fresh look at the state's many valuable resources about or from the Civil War. As the different projects developed, the combined research raised questions regarding many earlier studies about the war in Tennessee. Consequently, through my work as a public historian at the Tennessee Historical Commission, I began the rather mind-numbing, but clearly essential, job of scrutinizing all sorts of primary documents to develop a list of what did actually happen during the war in the Volunteer State. It is the aim of such research to make a public history contribution to popular understanding of the war and the myriad ways in which it is manifested in Tennessee.
The most frequently consulted texts for information about the war are Frederick H. Dyer's A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion (1908), and E. B. Long's The Civil War, Day by Day (1978). Dyer was the first to attempt a chronological list of Civil War combat incidents by state and his Compendium is generally acclaimed as the authoritative source for vital information relating to statistics, federal regimental histories, campaigns, and state-by-state chronological lists of combat actions. Long's day-by-day approach is inclusive of all theaters of war and is regarded by many buffs and scholars to be a handy and authoritative reference. Yet these sources offered unsatisfactory answers to some basic questions.
One often asked question about the conflict is "how many military engagements took place in Tennessee during the Civil War?" A colleague provided the apparently accepted answer provided by Long that there were 1,462 fights in the Volunteer State during the conflict, second only to Virginia. Curiosity was aroused when it was discovered that there was no indication as to just how the sum was calculated. While he provides lists, Dyer supplies neither totals nor citations to impart finality or authority to his inventory. Apparently no one had questioned this glaring methodological deficit in the nearly century-old opus. Long, likewise, makes available not a scintilla of information about the aggregate he presents. Even more surprising was the discovery that the Official Records do not address the question. The only thing to do was to try to duplicate the numbers as found in Dyer's and in Long's work. The results were perplexing. Long's unsubstantiated claim of 1,462 engagements was 205 short from the total found by a counting of Dyer's likewise unsupported list, which came to 1,667. An initial corresponding count of citations in the OR two-volume Index gave a total of 1,169, or 498 less than Dyer and 293 fewer than Long. Dyer and Long provided minimal narrative, the former less than the latter. Further study led to the Guide Index of the National Park Service study entitled Military Operations of the Civil War. This promising publication indicated the kind of military action that occurred at the given time and place. The Guide-Index is a very informative work. The two sections relating to Tennessee list events separately in an alphabetical and chronological format. Even though the work provides succinct narration, it gives neither sums nor citations. Clearly, what was needed was a chronological list of fights in Tennessee that would provide documented situational narrative taken from accepted primary sources. There was no other option but to consult the OR and NOR.
It became a matter of counting beans. The initial historical audit concluded there was something over 1,100 separate instances of combat, most of them accompanied by at least one circumstantial report. This list was matched to Dyer's list and I was found wanting. I counted a total 7 times and came up with a list of over 1,700. Now my list was not just bigger but documented with primary sources. I had found the material with which I could construct a narrated list. This meant keying in what seemed an endless number of reports found in the operations sections of the pertinent volumes. This took a lot of time. I did not copy documents relating directly to big battles, but provided a brief narrative with citations for the curious. Then the CD ROM collections of the OR and the NOR were made available. These proved to be a two edged blade because they made it possible to find other non-indexed referrals to combat, separate and distinct actions not mentioned in circumstantial combat reports, the index or in Dyer's Compendium. These additional citations would have been next to impossible to enumerate without the aid of the CD ROM technology. For example, mention of the Federal burning of Celina, in Clay County is not indexed in the OR, but could be found utilizing the CD ROM version. Tabulations so far indicate 2,777 instances of combat in Civil War Tennessee
The nature of the fighting in Tennessee was not characterized by large battles. Instead combat was on the smaller level of the skirmish, at 1,122, or roughly 40% of the total. The other 60% of combat missions are divided between affairs, battles, reconnaissances, raids, guerrilla and anti-guerrilla actions and expeditions of various types. The terminology for the various kinds of combat activity defied any settled definition. Those who made the reports knew what they meant even if they did not give future generations better designations. Could a skirmish be identified by numbers of combatants? No, because a skirmish could involve as few as 7 with no losses, or as many as 7,000 men with losses amounting to 80. Time constraints seldom were mentioned in OR reports. A skirmish could precede a large battle, or be an isolated incident. An action could not be determined to be any different from an engagement and at times a scout meant reconnaissance, and vice versa. The Tennessee total of 2,777 combat episodes cannot represent a comprehensive total for combat operations in Tennessee during the Civil War. For example, there are 58 citations under the word "skirmishes." How many "skirmishes?" Three? Four? The OR does not address these questions. Similarly, how is an "affair" different from an "engagement," or a "retreat" from a "withdrawal?" There was no designation for conscripting activity.
The ferreting for documents to narrate these fights expanded the resource base to include newspapers, letters, journals and other pertinent primary resources, some found on the internet. In turn, these sources led to discoveries concerning matters other than those military. These put a "civilian face" on the war in Tennessee, as the vital notion surfaced that even though it was war, there were other episodes that had very little to do with the skirmishing. Most importantly, it was apparent that there was need for a documented compendium of events that incorporated a thorough record of combat incidents and history missing in much of existing Tennessee Civil War historiography.
Other than asking "how many" one might ask "where and when?" For example, where and when was the first instance of combat in Civil War Tennessee?" Neither Long nor Dyer mentions the "Affair at Travisville," September 29, 1861, in Pickett County. This was a new finding to both historians of the Civil War in Tennessee and citizens of the community. A public history initiative resulted in the placement of a historical marker at the site.
New outlooks on the topics of enlistment and conscription surfaced. While conscription was commonly a resort of both sides there is little to indicate how conscripting actually worked. one hint comes from Brigadier-General Gideon J. Pillow in January 1863. As conscription officer for the Army of Tennessee he reported to General Braxton Bragg that he had ordered his field commanders:
to rake Bedford County, in which there are 1,500 men liable to duty under the conscript law. I was anxious to clean out that county by one movement, and doing it at once to avoid giving alarm.
A partial movement over one portion of the county will give the alarm, and cause the conscripts to scatter and hide out.
Not only was there resistance to the Confederate draft in the Volunteer State, but being conscripted was more accurately a swift, jolting experience characterized by cavalrymen dragooning farm boys against their will. If there was no resistance, Brigadier-General Pillow would have no concern that potential conscripts would scatter and hide out. Putnam Countian Lieutenant A.J. Lacy of the 8th Tennessee cavalry noted in a letter to his wife that: "I like to gather up those cowardly conscrips [sic] that is [sic] hiding out." And there were many that were hiding out. Resistance to the Confederate draft was conspicuous even as late as Hood's retreat from Nashville. According to Maury County's Nimrod Porter:
Preparations are making by the Confederate officers to conscript every one they can force into service…many men left Maury County and particularly the Towns to parts unknown…dodging any way to keep out of the conscripts….having employed substitutes is no excuse…and all between 16 & 18 & 45 & 50 years of age are to be conscripted….
Scattering and hiding out are contradictory to popularly accepted notions of southern youth enthusiastically flocking to the rebel battle flag. Likewise was the apparent opposition to enlisting in the Confederate army by some young men in the countryside and cities. To help make up the perceived manpower deficit, the Tennessee legislature even passed an act to allow free blacks the opportunity of enlisting, not as soldiers, but as servants.
Other topics seldom addressed in Tennessee's Civil War historiography emerged. For instance, the formation of refugee juvenile gangs and crime in the cities came as a surprise. one gang called "the Forty Thieves" originated in Louisville and spread down the railroad to Nashville, Chattanooga, and even Atlanta. Another, the "Mackerel Brigade," formed in Memphis. Rival gangs, representing the "Scotland" and "Pinch" neighborhoods fought a "regular pitched battle" in the Bluff City. In Memphis orphan children congregated at the levee and made a living by petty thievery. one editor commented: "The work of sin and death and hell is going on daily at our landing with those 'little ones'….Can nothing be done to turn their steps to the school houses instead of along the paths of crime?"
Public education, despite the war, or perhaps because of it, was an important issue in the cities. In Confederate Nashville it was believed that northern "school books have been…cultivating the growth…of false and unnatural ideas of social, domestic, and political affairs." Southern children had been manipulated by such "poisoning influences" because until secession the overwhelming majority of teachers were people of Northern birth. It was time to ''rid Southern school houses of the Yankee trash now in use" and replace it with "good, solid[,] home-made books of instruction." The establishment of an independent society rested on "[a]bsolute dependence upon home talent, enterprise and material that is essentially important to the freedom and independence of the Confederate States."
Happily the Southern Methodist Publishing House, had risen to the occasion published several school books reflecting the new realities in the South. The Confederate Primer, The First Confederate Speller, and The Second Confederate Speller, were written by "an association of Southern Teachers…[and] the work could not have been better done." The appearance of the texts chronicled "the fact that an effort is now being made in this city to supply a want long felt in Southern schools, and we hope to see the enterprise meet with the proper kind of encouragement." 
The Nashville school system had been shut down beginning with the Union occupation of the city in 1862. one important result was the large number of children left with too much unstructured time. As "a natural consequence their time has been spent in idleness or wickedness…." Public school was necessary for the education of "hundreds of children…whose parents are absent from home, or…are unable to pay for their education."
Closed schools were held to be the primary factor in the corruption of Nashville's youth during the war. one needed to look no further than the January 1864, trial of a notorious juvenile delinquent. The editor of the Dispatch expressed his belief that the "closing of the Public Schools has much to do with the demoralization of our youth…." Parental neglect only compounded the problem, allowing male children to roam about the city at all hours of the night. A heavy responsibility rested upon the Board of Education, whose inaction had been "the cause of the downfall of many of our boys, and girls too." 
By way of contrast Memphis made a more concerted effort to provide for public education. As the school year of 1863-1864 began one letter writer claimed: "Never did the public schools of Memphis open under better auspices." Some "one thousand youths, varying in age from six to sixteen years, are crowding daily to our city schools" where "they are taught without money and without price, whether rich or poor, of high or low degree!" It remained for the municipal government to provide for actual school houses, a task undertaken in 1864. The Jewish community in Memphis sponsored the co-educational "Hebrew Institute," primary grades to senior year, complete with a "Female Department" and taught mathematics, language, and music. Contraband slaves received what education they might receive from volunteers, but there was no system to address the issue.
African-Americans, while they did join the U. S. Army, had other roles to play as well. Instead of an asset, contraband slaves could prove a military liability. Writing from Carthage, Brigadier-General George B. Crook pointed this up in his report on May 27, 1863 that "contraband women are coming in such numbers that I cannot afford to feed them. What shall I do with them?" The swelling black population prompted the Nashville city council to pass a resolution in February 26, 1863, calling for the arrest of "all negroes [sic] laying around loose in this city and not employed…" By July 1863, congested living conditions and indigence among the contraband population in Nashville were observed to be the prime causes for the spread of small pox. The "City agent of the Pest House" recommended the expulsion of Negro prostitutes and the establishment of a refugee camp "with guards and overseers to see after their health and morals" as the "proper measures be taken to….preserve the health of the town."
By early March 1863, the Negro population of Nashville was coalescing and assuming an independent character and stature of its own. So much so that the rudiments of community social activity had surfaced, such as ballroom dances. The editor of the Nashville Dispatch reported on one dance, demonstrating the evolution of the black community in the city:
There were nearly one hundred present, male and female being about equally represented; all, or nearly all, were dressed in their best, and all [sic] were clean. The boys [sic] were generally neatly attired….The girls [sic] wore dresses of every conceivable variety, but white skirts prevailed, with bodies (or waists [sic], or whatever they may be called) of all shades, from drab to black, and generally of silk. Some two or three wore their hats, and one wore a wreath of artificial flowers....the best dancer was Lizzie Beach; she was dressed in white muslin, …she is tall, graceful, and danced an infinite variety of steps…. She had for a partner a boy [sic] in military overcoat, who seemed well up in the Terpsichorean art, but was scarcely a match for Lizzie, we would like to see them with the floor to themselves, and would expect a rich treat.
Erstwhile slaves proved to be excellent and well disciplined troops. In July 1864 their first grand review of the 12th, 15th, 17th and 100th regiments of United States Colored Infantry was held in Nashville. one witness wrote: "We trust that these reviews may be frequent hereafter, that our citizens may see that the 'nigger' [sic] can and will make as good a soldier as a white man." Aside from construction and railroad guarding duty, U.S.C.T. were involved in fights as prominent as the battle at Fort Pillow to hunting guerrillas in Middle Tennessee. Those who witnessed the 1865 New Year's Day black parade in Memphis saw the Negroes' "law abiding character, their loyalty to the Union, their wish to educate their children, their profound gratitude to God….saw a race rising from ignorant, imbruted chattelism to manhood. He saw them...with prayers...hymns...cheers for Lincoln, expressions of intense regard for Union soldiers, and...exhorting each other to manful lives and honest labor." Near the end of the war a New York Times correspondent wrote of the Negro: "With all the considerate aid the Government can give them the condition of many is wretched enough. Freedom however, they sigh for, and will have when attainable; any lowly and suffering lot as freeman, in preference to slavery, though the chains may sit easily in some exceptional cases."  Perhaps the most bizarre and titillating episode involving African-Americans is found in President Andrew Johnson's complaint to General G. H. Thomas, in September 1865, that in Greeneville, the "negro soldiery take possession of and occupy property in the town…and have even gone so far as to have taken my own house and inverted it into a rendezvous for male and female negroes…in fact making it a common negro brothel."
The history of the occupation of the cities has not been well considered and the topic is not one with which the public or heritage tourist is very familiar. Occupation of farms and cities were distinctive in terms of time, numbers and the means by which the administration of governance was protracted. The wrenching immediacy of the occupation of a farm can best be illustrated by the August 24, 1862, entry in Madison county's Robert H. Cartmell's diary:
….they come after night…running about in the yard looking for a well, wanting supper….making citizens furnish them with what they wished….Dogs barking and sabres rattling was the order of the night & through today….These…men have committed all kinds of depredations upon the citizens….We have to submit as well as we can to our fate. These fellows curse & swear that we brought them down here & [we] ought to suffer for it. They…look upon us as traitors and everything we have as of right belonging to them....
Murfreesboro environs ca. January 1863
Rural occupations were short, those in cities often encompassed the duration. The occupation of Clarksville, Nashville, Murfreesboro, Jackson, Memphis, Chattanooga and Knoxville were generally peaceful affairs, yet maintaining the peace was another matter. Reaction to the initial occupation of Nashville was greeted by one unidentified Union supporter writing to her Grandmother: "I am wild, crazed almost, with delight….I cannot do anything but sing, whistle, or hum 'Yankee Doodle,' 'Hail Columbia,' 'The Star Spangled Banner,' and feast my eyes on those victorious colors." Annie Sedon wrote to her sister from Atlanta after fleeing Nashville with a different set of view: "[T]he suspension bridge was torn up, the rail road bridge was burned and oh how frightful was the burning, the whole town was illuminated by the flames, not a bell was rung, not a sound heard, all Nashville was stricken with a stony despair…." Aunt Nanny, a slave housekeeper belonging to a Nashville banker had another view of the fall of Fort Donelson and subsequent panic. News of the disaster became known on Sunday morning when citizens were on their way to church. Soon the streets were "filled with half-crazed people flying here and there, women and children and even men running out of breath, and screaming, 'The Yankees are coming,'…." But, according to Aunt Nanny:
We colored folks….we was all so full wid de great joy, dat we'se a sayin' in our hearts all de time 'Bless de Lord,' 'Thank de good God," for de "day of jubilee has come!' [sic]
'But we was mighty hush, an' put on just as long faces as we could, and was might' 'sprized when they told us of it. An' missus she come runnin'…to the kitchen and put up both arms and she said: --
'Oh, Aunty Nanny, we'll all be killed! The Yankees are coming! They'll hang or cut the throat of every nigger that's left here!'
An' after that she tried to have me go south with her, but I told her I'd risk the Yankees a killin' us, and I wouldn't go.
Urban vice and crime constitute another component of Tennesssee's Civil War legacy. In July 1863 Nashville was revisited by a crime wave. In September 1862, civilian pleas to General Rosecrans resulted in the provision of a military force under the mayor's authority to aid "the police in the preservation of good order, and the prevention of crime." The plan worked exceedingly well and within a "few days and nights of constant vigilance" a number of the most notorious characters were either in jail or had absconded…." Citizens could walk the streets "at any hour of the night and the horrible atrocities were nearly forgotten" until the force was withdrawn to take part in the Tullahoma campaign. The resulting law enforcement vacuum left Nashville "at the mercy of the depraved -- citizens and soldiers." Murder, robbery, cutting and maiming had returned and the "city was disgraced by scenes of barbarous atrocities and almost nightly robberies." According to an editorial:
Soldiers are permitted to roam about the city off duty, armed, and after imbibing a few glasses of whisky, ready and willing to use their weapons upon the slightest provocation….we have recorded the killing of…an inoffensive citizen…the poisoning of a family of nine persons…the cutting of a soldier…in so horrible a manner that he died…the killing of sutler by a negro [sic]; and on Sunday night, the cutting of a citizen with a sabre or sword bayonet….
In Memphis, municipal authorities could not cope with the egregious changes in circumstances attendant to occupation of the city. Major-General Sherman believed the army had an important role to play in the maintenance of order and harmony in Memphis, no small order. In general, Sherman's philosophy for occupation was uncomplicated: "If a man disturbs the peace, I will kill or remove him; if he does anything wrong and there is no civil power in existence, the military power does exist and must act, for we must have some law. Nature abhors anarchy."
The general calm and acquiescence exhibited in newspapers concerning the February 1861 vote to stay in the Union was as surprising as the total lack of coverage of the secret session of the legislature following that vote. In Nashville one editorial stated that while the other result was expected, the "people have spoken, and we have naught to say against their decree. It may bring no harm, or it may remit evil only - which of the two will be known before the expiration of many days." An itinerant bag-piper "was the most amusing scene" in Nashville after the results were known. "He played long and loud, and the crowd made the welkin ring as he went through Yankee Doodle…." In Memphis the editor of the Daily Avalanche conceded that "Tennessee for the present has calmly abnegated secession, wholly, fully and unequivocally….Tennessee to-day is in sentiment a Union State, is…beyond all cavil, all question….stop talking of drowning and enforcing, and whipping and hanging, but talk of justice and brotherly love, and mutual [sic] forbearance."
While editorials recognized the results of the February vote they said nothing about the secret meeting of the legislature in May. We can only speculate about what could have been so appalling about the debates that they had to be kept secret. What went on behind closed doors? Was the will of the people thwarted by a secessionist cabal? Another insight revolved around the initial attempt of the state government to finance its war effort. It was pitiful, even comical. Such men of means as ex-Governor Neill S. Brown, James Edmund Bailey, and "General" W. G. Harding, who composed the state Military and Financial Board, campaigned more about the transfer of state debt to the Confederate government and having it reimburse bondholders for expenses rather than providing for soldiers. According to the Board's letter to Confederate Secretary of War, L. P. Walker of September 6, 1861 the state had "expended in equipping for the field the Provisional Army the sum of $4,000,000, and there are still demands…to pay the troops and for balances for purchase of supplies a little over $1,00,000." The money was due and had to be paid to maintain state's credit, or bonded indebtedness. The Board had expected "to be reimbursed from the Confederate Treasury…to pay the balance of the debt thus contracted, but learn…that we cannot look to that source…We cannot too strongly represent this policy of enabling us to pay our debts, but without this guarantee from the Government we will not be able to do so." In a second note, written the same day, the Board made it as clear as possible that "…the failure to receive any part of the money already expended by Tennessee makes it very doubtful whether we will be able to pay our debts already contracted."
If the government couldn't supply its soldiers then local committees offered to make the effort. In early July 1861 it was obvious to the members of the Fayetteville Committee of Correspondence that volunteers from Lincoln County would get no winter clothing from the Confederate government. In a poignant letter to Confederate Secretary of War L. P. Walker, they offered to clothe them with uniforms made from wool textiles manufactured in Fayetteville. Acting on a similar impulse, on August 8, 1861, the Tennessee Military and Financial Board appealed to the "wives, mothers, and daughters of Tennessee" to "prepare goods for one suit of clothing and knit two pairs of stockings" for the Volunteer State's soldiers. Flush with promises of huge profits, arms manufacturers promised state officials the moon but could not deliver, forcing the governor to impound all civilian-sporting pieces for military use. In the production of primer caps, however, Nashville was exceptional.
The magnitude of illegal cotton trading near Memphis, Chattanooga and in Middle Tennessee was intriguing. The gold Northern buyers paid for Confederate cotton ended up purchasing Belgian rifles and other military accouterments. The editor of the Memphis Daily Appeal, for example, complained of the "clandestine cotton speculation by traitorous East Tennesseeans [sic]" that was "immediately transmitted to Yankeedom." Chattanooga Daily Rebel exposed the practice in a lengthy editorial entitled "SELLING COTTON TO THE ENEMY." "The men who furnish the enemy with cotton during the past Spring and Summer are responsible in a great degree, for the continuance of this war" an opinion which Major-General W. T. Sherman in Memphis ironically concurred, only the flow of gold was southward. Inflated prices, the uncertain value of currency and commodities' speculation were common, leading one secessionist editor to denounce the "VAMPIRES" and the "intolerable avarice and extortion of adventurous tradesmen" that pushed prices up. Speculators, or "army worms," were "mere vampires that maintain life only by phlebotomizing the Confederacy…."
Some may find it an onerous conclusion, but Nathan Bedford Forrest was defeated in battle a number of times in Tennessee. For example, on August 29, 1862, in Coffee County, Forrest, whose force outnumbered the Federals within a stockade at the ratio of 9:1, led three attacks that failed with consequential loss. Another loss occurred at Kingston in August 25, 1863, and yet another near Murfreesboro on December 7, 1864, the "battle of the Cedars," wherein his command lost heart and fled from the field. There was at least one case of mass murder of white United States Colored Troops' officers committed by Confederate soldiers at least nominally under Forrest's command, Fort Pillow notwithstanding. The incidence and extent of guerrilla, or as some prefer, "partisan ranger," activity and the extreme measures taken to suppress it were widespread. Home guard units on both sides often took on characteristics of terrorist gangs, and were only in it for the money. Col. Fielding Hurst (U.S.), for example, extorted over $100,000 from citizens of West Tennessee, while his brother in law squeezed $50,000 out of McNairy County alone.
The existence of anti-Semitism was unexpected. Brigadier-General L. F. Ross wrote to Major-General John A. McClernand in Bolivar that cotton speculators in Hardeman County were anxious to pay for military help in transporting their cotton to market. He was happy to oblige, adding that because "some of the Jew owners have as good as stolen the cotton from the planters, I have no conscientious scruples in making them pay liberally for getting it away." In efforts to stop contraband trade in and about Memphis Sherman displayed a heretofore-unfamiliar anti-Semitism on the part of eminent Union commanders. Writing to Major-General U. S. Grant on July 30, 1862, Sherman explained:
I found so many Jews and speculators here trading in cotton…I have felt myself bound to stop it….I have respected all permits by yourself or the Secretary of the Treasury, but in these new cases (swarms of Jews) [sic] I have stopped it.
Grant was of the same frame of mind. on November 9, 1862, he prohibited travel permits for anyone traveling south of Jackson, Tennessee, specifying that the "Israelites especially should be kept out." on the 17th Grant issued General Orders, No. 11 stipulating: "The Jews, as a class violating every regulation of trade established by the Treasury Department and also department orders, are hereby expelled from the department within twenty-four hours from the receipt of this order."
All military post commanders were to provide Jews with passes upon notification of No. 11. Any Jew returning afterwards was to be arrested and held in confinement. Under no circumstances were passes to be given to "these people" to apply for trade permits.
"The Civil War in Tennessee: New Perspectives on Familiar Materials," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, Vol. LXI, no. 2 (Summer 2003).
 Frederick H. Dyer's A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Compiled and Arranged from official records of the War of the Rebellion: compiled and arranged from official records of the Federal and Confederate Armies, reports of the Adjutant's Generals of the several States, the army registers, and other reliable documents and sources. (Des Moines, Ia., Dyer Publishing Co., 1908, rpt. New York, 1959). [Hereinafter cited as Dyer, Compendium.]
 E. B. Long, ed., The Civil War, Day by Day: An Almanac 1861-1865, (New York: 1971). Hereinafter cited as: Civil War, Day by Day. Another frequently consulted text of great value, although it does not address conflicts, is Tennesseans in the Civil War: A Military History of Confederate and Union Units with Available Rosters of Personnel, (Nashville, 1964).
 Civil War, Day by Day, p. 719.
 Long does not provide any state-by-state lists of combat incidents, a prominent feature of Dyer's Compendium.
 Dallas Irvine, Edwin R. Coffee, Robert B. Matchette, comps., Military Operations of the Civil War: A Guide-Index to the Official Records of the Union and, Confederate Armies, 1861-1865, Vol. IV, "Main Western Theater of Operations, Except Gulf Approach, 1861-1863 (65?), NARS, GSA Washington: 1980, Section M, "Tennessee" pp. 93-153, Section N, "Tennessee," pp. 178-188.
 These research tools were made available by Mr. Fred Prouty, Executive Director of the Tennessee Wars Commission.
 However, the CD Rom is in some cases incomplete or in error by way of omission so the paper OR and NOR were consulted to correct citations when circumstance rose.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. II, pp. 782-785.
 There is no period or contemporary dictionary of military terms available, according to the United States Military Academy Library reference desk at West Point, to give precise categorical definitions for Civil War fights.
 See OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. I, p. 1020, for example.
 OR, Ser. I. Vol. 4, pp. 205, 286-287, 323.
 After informing Drs. Michael E. Birdwell and Calvin Dickinson of the Tennessee Technological University History Department about the affair, they sought out the Travisville site and found material culture corroboration in the form of a gravestone inscription verifying the death of one of the combatants and the date of the clash. The marker was dedicated in late June 1999.
 OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 2, p. 362.
 TSLA Confederate Collection, Box C 28, folder 17, Letters – Lacy, Andrew Jackson, 1862-1863. See also: Nashville Daily Gazette, 1, 3, 4, December, 1861
 TSLA Confederate Collection, Diary of Nimrod Porter, December 16, 1864. See also: John C. Spence, A Diary of the Civil War, (Rutherford County Historical Society: Murfreesboro, 1993), pp. 74-75. [Hereinafter cited as: Spence, Diary]
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 103-105; Nashville Union and American, 7 August 1861; New York Times, 8 December 1861; Cincinnati Gazette, 12 December 1861; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, pp. 862, 953; Ser. IV, Vol. 2, p. 138; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 29 October; 1, 6, November 1862; Jackson West Tennessee Whig 28 March 1862.
 Public Acts of the State of Tennessee, passed at the extra session of the Thirty-Third General Assembly, April 1861 (Nashville, 1861), Chapter 24, pp. 49-50. See also: OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 1, p. 409. It is hard to know what they were thinking. Volunteering on the conditions established by the legislature would have been tantamount to giving up freedom.
 Memphis Bulletin, 9 October 1862; 21 March 1863; 21 July 1863; 12, 14, 16 August 1863; 15 September 1863; 26 January 1864: Nashville Daily Press, 8, 9, September 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 20 January 1864; 25, 28, 29, March 1865.
 Memphis Bulletin, 9 October 1862
 Nashville Daily Gazette, 13 September 1861.
 Nashville Dispatch, 23 July 1863.
 Nashville Dispatch, 20, January; 12 June 1864.
 Memphis Bulletin, 20, 30, June ; 11, 13 September 1863.
 Memphis Bulletin, 13 September 1863.
 Memphis Bulletin, 11 August 1864
 Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings; Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, As Matron and Visitor, (Boston, 1866), pp. 61-63. [Hereinafter cited as: Powers, Pencillings.]
 See for example the following sample: Brownlow's Whig and Independent Journal and Rebel Ventilator, 11 November, 1863; Memphis Commercial Appeal, October 22, 1861; Memphis Avalanche, 2 September, 1861; Memphis Daily Argus, 21 June, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 7, July, 14 August, 1862; 12February, 16 August, 28, 30, October, 21, November 1863; 14 September, 1 October 1864; 2 January 1865; Memphis Union Appeal, 4 July, 14 August 1862; Nashville Daily Press, 23 May, 30 June, 27 July, 17 September, 10 July, 26 November, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 6 March, 25 June, 1 October, 1863; 5, 11, 16 August, 1864; 25 March, 1865: Nashville Daily Union, 27 February, 15 July, 1863: Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 20 September, 28 July, 1864: Nashville (Daily Press &) Times, 16 August, 1864: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 7, pp. 841-842; Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 15-16, 21, 66-67, 82, 114, 115, 121-123 158-160, 169-172; Vol. 23, pt. II, pp. 17-18, 290-291, 698; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 136-137, 198, 366-367, 414-415, 719-720; Vol. 32, pt. I, pp. 609-611;Vol. 32, pt. III, p. 48, 364; Vol. 39, pt. I, pp. 493, 843; Vol. 39, pt. II, p. 439; Vol. 45, pt. I, pp. 540-541, 543-546; Vol. 45, pt. II, pp. 601, 1109; Ser. II, Vol. 5, pp. 803-804; Ser. III, Vol. 4, pp. 763-772; Chicago Journal, 4 April 1862, as cited in the New York Times, 5 April 1862; Papers of General Robert Huston Milroy, Vol. II, Diary of General Robert Huston Milroy 1865, compiled by Margaret B. Paulus, 1965, pp. 495-496, (provided through the courtesy of Dr. Michael Bradley, Motlow State Community College), [hereinafter cited as Papers of General Milroy]. Leroy P. Graf, Ralph Haskins, eds., Patricia P. Clark, assoc. ed., Papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 5, 1861-1862 (Knoxville, 1979) pp. 371-372, Vol. 6, pp. 360, 491, 568, [hereinafter cited as: PAJ, etc.]; Spence, Diary, pp. 72-73, 113-114; Powers, Pencillings, pp. 67-68.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. II, p 366. Any response to his query has been lost.
 Nashville Daily Union, 27 February, 1863.
 Nashville Dispatch, 9 July, 1863.
 Nashville Dispatch, 6 March, 1863.
 Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 28 July, 1864. See also: Nashville Dispatch, 11 August, 1864; Nashville Dispatch, 16 August, 1864; Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 20 September, 1864; OR, Ser. III, Vol. 4, pp. 763-772.
 OR, Ser. III, Vol. 4, pp. 763-772; Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 20 September, 1864.
 Memphis Bulletin, 2 January, 1865
 New York Times, 8 February, 1865.
 OR, Ser. I. Vol. 49. pt. II, p. 1109.
 An exception is Walter Durham's Nashville the Occupied City (Nashville: 1985) and Reluctant Partners (Nashville, 1987). These books explore the occupation of Nashville by the Federal army. Durham has recently been appointed State Historian.
 TSLA, Confederate Collection, Robert H. Cartmell Diary, August 24, 1861.
 Anecdotes, Poetry, and Incidents of the War: North and South, 1860-1865, (New York 1867), pp. 267-268. [Hereinafter cited as: Anecdotes, Poetry, and Incidents.]
 Kimberly Family. Personal Correspondence, 1862-1864: http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/kimberly/kimberly.html
 Powers, Pencillings, pp. 70-71.]
 Nashville Dispatch, 21 July, 1863.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 31, pt. I, p. 766; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 97-98. See also: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt II, pp. 127, 294-296; Memphis Union Appeal, 27 August, 1862.
 Nashville Daily Gazette, 5, 9, January; 5, 6, 7, 9, 10 February, 1861; Robert H. Cartmell Diary, 26 January, 2 February, 1861; Nashville Daily Gazette, 29 January, 2 February 1861.
Memphis Daily Argus, 5 February, 1861, Leroy P. Graf, Ralph Haskins, eds., Patricia P. Clark, assoc. ed., The papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 4, 1860-1861 (Knoxville, 1976), p. 274. [Hereinafter cited as PAJ, etc.]
 Nashville Daily Gazette, 10 February, 1861.
 Memphis Daily Avalanche, 10 February, 1861.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 4, p. 402.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 140-141, 158-162.
 OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 1, pp. 506-507.
 Clarksville Chronicle, 16 August, 1861. This document is found in no official collection and is the kind of evidence overlooked in Tennessee Civil War historiography due to an unnecessary focus upon strictly martial matters.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 7, pp. 427-429; Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 108-109, 122-123; Memphis Appeal, 18 July, 1861; Memphis Daily Appeal, 2 August, 1861; Clarksville Chronicle, 22 November, 1861; Cartmell Diary, 17 November, 1861; Nashville Daily Gazette, 18 December, 1861; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 8, 17 October, 1863; Frank Moore, ed., The Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Events, Poetry, etc., 4 Vols., (New York 1866-1868), Vol. 4, pp. 202-204. [Hereinafter cited as: Rebellion Record, Vol. no., page no., etc.]
 See: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 93, 163; Ser. III, Vol. 4, p. 883.
 Memphis Daily Appeal, 17 April, 1862.
 Memphis Daily Appeal, 17 April, 1862. New York Times, 3 August, 1862; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 200-202; Vol. 30, pt. III, p 664; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp., 304, 355; Vol. 39, pt. II, pp. 22-23; Vol. 52, pt. I, p. 331. Memphis Bulletin, 1 October, 1863; Memphis Bulletin, 10 May, 1864; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 4 November, 1862; PAJ, Vol. 5, pp. 370, 499. The Lincoln administration apparently quietly sanctioned the trade. See: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 150.
 Memphis Commercial Appeal, 17, 18 October, 1861; Memphis Daily Appeal, 11 March, 17 April, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 8, 10, July, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 2, 8, October, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, February 12, 1863; New York Times, February 16, June 13, 1862; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, p. 969; Vol. 23, pt. II, p. 453; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 2 October, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, November 5, 1862, February 12, June 23, 1863; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. I, pp. 261-262; Vol. 23, pt. II, 718-719; Ser. IV, Vol. 3, pp. 1050-1053.
 Memphis Commercial Appeal, 18 October, 1861.
 OR, Ser. I. Vol. 16, pt. I, pp. 901-906; Vol. 16, pt. II, p. 454, 462; Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 483; Vol. 20, pt. I, pp. 6-7; Vol. 23, pt. I, p.7; Vol. 23. pt. II, pp. 45-46; Vol. 30, pt. III, p. 184; Vol. 45, pt. I, pp. 614-615;Vol. 45, pt. I, p. 755; Papers of General Milroy, p. 400; Rebellion Record, Vol. 5, pp. 599-600; Nashville Dispatch, 7 November, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 22 February, 1863. For a spirited defense of Forrest see: Lonnie E. Maness "An Untutored Genius: The Military Career of General N. B. Forrest," at www.SouthernHistory.net.
 OR, Ser. I. Vol. 16, pt. I, pp. 901-906; Vol. 16, pt. II, p. 454, 462; Rebellion Record, Vol. 5, pp. 599-600.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 30, pt. III, pp. 184, 187
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 45, pt. I, pp. 614-619, 755; Papers of General Milroy, p. 400. The designation "battle of the Cedars" was given by Edwin C. Bearss in an unpublished research project "The History of Fortress Rosecrans," 1959. The study was made available by Gib Buckland, the historian at Stones River National Battlefield.
 The massacre took place in Hickman County, near Vernon in November 1864. See: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 769.
 References to guerrilla warfare are widespread: a sampling includes: PAJ, Vol. 4, p. 580, Vol. 5, pp. 374-375, 435, 478-479, 545-546. Leroy P. Graf, Ralph Haskins, eds., Patricia P. Clark, assoc. ed., Marion D. Smith, The Papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 6 (Knoxville: 1983) 1862-1864, p. 459 [hereinafter cited as PAJ Vol. 6.]; Memphis Avalanche, 26 February, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 30 July, 1862; 9 January, 3 September, 1863; 6 October, 1864; 17 January, 1865; New York Times, 7 May, 27 July, 1862; Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 20 September, 1864; Nashville Dispatch, 28 March, 1865; Naval OR, Ser. I, Vol. 27, pp. 8-9, 148; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, pp. 110 173-174; Vol. 17, pt. I, p. 698; Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 107, 110, 121-123; Vol. 23, pt. I, pp. 353-354; Vol. 23, pt. II, p 366; Vol. 24, pt. II, pp. 432-434; Vol. 30, pt. II, p. 647; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 261-262, 292-293; Vol. 32, pt. I, pp. 55-57; Vol. 32, pt. III, p, 353; Vol. 39, pt. I, pp. 15, 844-846; Vol. 39, pt. II, pp. 40, 52-53; Vol. 42, pt. III, pp. 1183-1184; Vol. 45, pt. II, p. 50; Vol. 45, pt. II, p. 569; Vol. 49, pt. I, pp. 7-8; Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 366, 1090; Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 304-305;Ser. II, Vol. 7, pp. 18-19.
 See for example: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. I, p. 31; Vol. 24, pt. III, pp. 579-580; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 508-509; Vol. 32, pt. I, pp. 73-74; Vol. 32, pt. II, pp., 67-68;Vol. 39, pt. III, p. 238; Vol. 45, pt. I, p. 836; Vol. 49, pt. I, pp. 34, 706; Vol. 49, pt. II, pp. 292-293; Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 85-86; Memphis Appeal, 13 June, 1861; Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, 14 September, 1861; OR, Ser. I. Vol. 4, pp. 205. 248-250; Memphis Daily Appeal, 22 November, 1861; PAJ, Vol. 5, pp. 583-585, 603-604; New York Times, August 19, 1862; Daniel Ellis, Thrilling Adventures of Daniel Ellis, The Great Union Guide of East Tennessee for a period of Nearly Four Years During the Great Southern Rebellion. Written by Himself. Containing a Short Biography of the Author, Will Illustrations, (NY: 1867; rpt. Johnson City, Tenn., 1987), pp. 107-110. [Hereinafter cited as Ellis, Thrilling Adventures]; Memphis Bulletin, 3 September, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 10 September, 1863; Memphis Bulletin, 9 December, 1863; Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 29 July 1864; Nashville Daily Press, 6 October, 1864.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 750.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 120.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 140-141.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 330, 337.
 OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 424.
Formerly known as Everyday in
Editor, The Courier