Sunday, October 2, 2011

The Civil War in Tennessee: New Perspectives o­n Familiar Materials, Part I.

The Civil War in Tennessee: New Perspectives o­n Familiar Materials, Part I.  By James B. Jones, Jr.

Over the past fifteen years, various state agencies, from the Tennessee Division of Archaeology to the Tennessee Historical Commission to the Tennessee Wars Commission to the Tennessee Department of Tourist Development, have conducted research and launched projects into the state's Civil War era.  Additionally, the state's unique designation as the o­nly Civil War Heritage Area in the nation is spurring new interest in the conflict.  While goals ranged from pure research to historic preservation to cultural tourism, the end result was a fresh look at the state's many valuable resources about or from the Civil War.  As the different projects developed, the combined research raised questions regarding many earlier studies about the war in Tennessee.  Consequently, through my work as a public historian at the Tennessee Historical Commission, I began the rather mind-numbing, but clearly essential, job of scrutinizing all sorts of primary documents to develop a list of what did actually happen during the war in the Volunteer State.  It is the aim of such research to make a public history contribution to popular understanding of the war and the myriad ways in which it is manifested in Tennessee.

The most frequently consulted texts for information about the war are Frederick H. Dyer's A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion (1908),[1] and E. B. Long's The Civil War, Day by Day (1978)[2].  Dyer was the first to attempt a chronological list of Civil War combat incidents by state and his Compendium is generally acclaimed as the authoritative source for vital information relating to statistics, federal regimental histories, campaigns, and state-by-state chronological lists of combat actions.  Long's day-by-day approach is inclusive of all theaters of war and is regarded by many buffs and scholars to be a handy and authoritative reference.  Yet these sources offered unsatisfactory answers to some basic questions.

One often asked question about the conflict is "how many military engagements took place in Tennessee during the Civil War?"  A colleague provided the apparently accepted answer provided by Long that there were 1,462 fights in the Volunteer State during the conflict, second o­nly to Virginia.[3]  Curiosity was aroused when it was discovered that there was no indication as to just how the sum was calculated.  While he provides lists, Dyer supplies neither totals nor citations to impart finality or authority to his inventory.  Apparently no o­ne had questioned this glaring methodological deficit in the nearly century-old opus.  Long, likewise, makes available not a scintilla of information about the aggregate he presents.  Even more surprising was the discovery that the Official Records do not address the question.  The o­nly thing to do was to try to duplicate the numbers as found in Dyer's and in Long's work.[4]  The results were perplexing.  Long's unsubstantiated claim of 1,462 engagements was 205 short from the total found by a counting of Dyer's likewise unsupported list, which came to 1,667.  An initial corresponding count of citations in the OR two-volume Index gave a total of 1,169, or 498 less than Dyer and 293 fewer than Long.  Dyer and Long provided minimal narrative, the former less than the latter.  Further study led to the Guide Index of the National Park Service study entitled Military Operations of the Civil War.[5]  This promising publication indicated the kind of military action that occurred at the given time and place.  The Guide-Index is a very informative work.  The two sections relating to Tennessee list events separately in an alphabetical and chronological format.  Even though the work provides succinct narration, it gives neither sums nor citations.  Clearly, what was needed was a chronological list of fights in Tennessee that would provide documented situational narrative taken from accepted primary sources.  There was no other option but to consult the OR and NOR.

It became a matter of counting beans.  The initial historical audit concluded there was something over 1,100 separate instances of combat, most of them accompanied by at least o­ne circumstantial report.  This list was matched to Dyer's list and I was found wanting.  I counted a total 7 times and came up with a list of over 1,700.  Now my list was not just bigger but documented with primary sources.  I had found the material with which I could construct a narrated list.  This meant keying in what seemed an endless number of reports found in the operations sections of the pertinent volumes.  This took a lot of time.  I did not copy documents relating directly to big battles, but provided a brief narrative with citations for the curious.  Then the CD ROM collections of the OR and the NOR were made available.[6]  These proved to be a two edged blade because they made it possible to find other non-indexed referrals to combat, separate and distinct actions not mentioned in circumstantial combat reports, the index or in Dyer's Compendium.  These additional citations would have been next to impossible to enumerate without the aid of the CD ROM technology[7].  For example, mention of the Federal burning of Celina, in Clay County is not indexed in the OR, but could be found utilizing the CD ROM version.[8]  Tabulations so far indicate 2,777 instances of combat in Civil War Tennessee

The nature of the fighting in Tennessee was not characterized by large battles.  Instead combat was o­n the smaller level of the skirmish, at 1,122, or roughly 40% of the total.  The other 60% of combat missions are divided between affairs, battles, reconnaissances, raids, guerrilla and anti-guerrilla actions and expeditions of various types.  The terminology for the various kinds of combat activity defied any settled definition.  Those who made the reports knew what they meant even if they did not give future generations better designations.[9]  Could a skirmish be identified by numbers of combatants?  No, because a skirmish could involve as few as 7 with no losses, or as many as 7,000 men with losses amounting to 80.[10]  Time constraints seldom were mentioned in OR reports.  A skirmish could precede a large battle, or be an isolated incident.  An action could not be determined to be any different from an engagement and at times a scout meant reconnaissance, and vice versa.  The Tennessee total of 2,777 combat episodes cannot represent a comprehensive total for combat operations in Tennessee during the Civil War.  For example, there are 58 citations under the word "skirmishes."  How many "skirmishes?"  Three?  Four?  The OR does not address these questions.  Similarly, how is an "affair" different from an "engagement," or a "retreat" from a "withdrawal?"  There was no designation for conscripting activity. 

The ferreting for documents to narrate these fights expanded the resource base to include newspapers, letters, journals and other pertinent primary resources, some found o­n the internet.  In turn, these sources led to discoveries concerning matters other than those military.  These put a "civilian face" o­n the war in Tennessee, as the vital notion surfaced that even though it was war, there were other episodes that had very little to do with the skirmishing.  Most importantly, it was apparent that there was need for a documented compendium of events that incorporated a thorough record of combat incidents and history missing in much of existing Tennessee Civil War historiography.

Other than asking "how many" o­ne might ask "where and when?"  For example, where and when was the first instance of combat in Civil War Tennessee?"  Neither Long nor Dyer mentions the "Affair at Travisville," September 29, 1861, in Pickett County.[11]  This was a new finding to both historians of the Civil War in Tennessee and citizens of the community.  A public history initiative resulted in the placement of a historical marker at the site.[12]

New outlooks o­n the topics of enlistment and conscription surfaced.  While conscription was commonly a resort of both sides there is little to indicate how conscripting actually worked.  o­ne hint comes from Brigadier-General Gideon J. Pillow in January 1863.  As conscription officer for the Army of Tennessee he reported to General Braxton Bragg that he had ordered his field commanders:

to rake Bedford County, in which there are 1,500 men liable to duty under the conscript law. I was anxious to clean out that county by o­ne movement, and doing it at o­nce to avoid giving alarm.

A partial movement over o­ne portion of the county will give the alarm, and cause the conscripts to scatter and hide out.[13]

Not o­nly was there resistance to the Confederate draft in the Volunteer State, but being conscripted was more accurately a swift, jolting experience characterized by cavalrymen dragooning farm boys against their will.  If there was no resistance, Brigadier-General Pillow would have no concern that potential conscripts would scatter and hide out.  Putnam Countian Lieutenant A.J. Lacy of the 8th Tennessee cavalry noted in a letter to his wife that:  "I like to gather up those cowardly conscrips [sic] that is [sic] hiding out."[14]  And there were many that were hiding out.  Resistance to the Confederate draft was conspicuous even as late as Hood's retreat from Nashville.  According to Maury County's Nimrod Porter:

Preparations are making by the Confederate officers to conscript every o­ne they can force into service…many men left Maury County and particularly the Towns to parts unknown…dodging any way to keep out of the conscripts….having employed substitutes is no excuse…and all between 16 & 18 & 45 & 50 years of age are to be conscripted….[15]

Scattering and hiding out are contradictory to popularly accepted notions of southern youth enthusiastically flocking to the rebel battle flag.  Likewise was the apparent opposition to enlisting in the Confederate army by some young men in the countryside and cities.[16]  To help make up the perceived manpower deficit, the Tennessee legislature even passed an act to allow free blacks the opportunity of enlisting, not as soldiers, but as servants.[17]

Other topics seldom addressed in Tennessee's Civil War historiography emerged.  For instance, the formation of refugee juvenile gangs and crime in the cities came as a surprise.  o­ne gang called "the Forty Thieves" originated in Louisville and spread down the railroad to Nashville, Chattanooga, and even Atlanta.  Another, the "Mackerel Brigade," formed in Memphis.  Rival gangs, representing the "Scotland" and "Pinch" neighborhoods fought a "regular pitched battle" in the Bluff City.[18]  In Memphis orphan children congregated at the levee and made a living by petty thievery.  o­ne editor commented:  "The work of sin and death and hell is going o­n daily at our landing with those 'little o­nes'….Can nothing be done to turn their steps to the school houses instead of along the paths of crime?"[19]

Public education, despite the war, or perhaps because of it, was an important issue in the cities.  In Confederate Nashville it was believed that northern "school books have been…cultivating the growth…of false and unnatural ideas of social, domestic, and political affairs."  Southern children had been manipulated by such "poisoning influences" because until secession the overwhelming majority of teachers were people of Northern birth.  It was time to ''rid Southern school houses of the Yankee trash now in use" and replace it with "good, solid[,] home-made books of instruction."  The establishment of an independent society rested o­n "[a]bsolute dependence upon home talent, enterprise and material that is essentially important to the freedom and independence of the Confederate States."

Happily the Southern Methodist Publishing House, had risen to the occasion published several school books reflecting the new realities in the South.  The Confederate Primer, The First Confederate Speller, and The Second Confederate Speller, were written by "an association of Southern Teachers…[and] the work could not have been better done."  The appearance of the texts chronicled "the fact that an effort is now being made in this city to supply a want long felt in Southern schools, and we hope to see the enterprise meet with the proper kind of encouragement." [20]

The Nashville school system had been shut down beginning with the Union occupation of the city in 1862.  o­ne important result was the large number of children left with too much unstructured time. As "a natural consequence their time has been spent in idleness or wickedness…."  Public school was necessary for the education of "hundreds of children…whose parents are absent from home, or…are unable to pay for their education."[21]

Closed schools were held to be the primary factor in the corruption of Nashville's youth during the war.  o­ne needed to look no further than the January 1864, trial of a notorious juvenile delinquent.  The editor of the Dispatch expressed his belief that the "closing of the Public Schools has much to do with the demoralization of our youth…." Parental neglect o­nly compounded the problem, allowing male children to roam about the city at all hours of the night.  A heavy responsibility rested upon the Board of Education, whose inaction had been "the cause of the downfall of many of our boys, and girls too." [22]

By way of contrast Memphis made a more concerted effort to provide for public education.[23]  As the school year of 1863-1864 began o­ne letter writer claimed: "Never did the public schools of Memphis open under better auspices."  Some "one thousand youths, varying in age from six to sixteen years, are crowding daily to our city schools" where "they are taught without money and without price, whether rich or poor, of high or low degree!"[24]  It remained for the municipal government to provide for actual school houses, a task undertaken in 1864.[25] The Jewish community in Memphis sponsored the co-educational "Hebrew Institute," primary grades to senior year, complete with a "Female Department" and taught mathematics, language, and music.[26]  Contraband slaves received what education they might receive from volunteers, but there was no system to address the issue.[27]

African-Americans, while they did join the U. S. Army, had other roles to play as well.[28] Instead of an asset, contraband slaves could prove a military liability.  Writing from Carthage, Brigadier-General George B. Crook pointed this up in his report o­n May 27, 1863 that "contraband women are coming in such numbers that I cannot afford to feed them.  What shall I do with them?"[29]  The swelling black population prompted the Nashville city council to pass a resolution in February 26, 1863, calling for the arrest of "all negroes [sic] laying around loose in this city and not employed…"[30]  By July 1863, congested living conditions and indigence among the contraband population in Nashville were observed to be the prime causes for the spread of small pox.  The "City agent of the Pest House" recommended the expulsion of Negro prostitutes and the establishment of a refugee camp "with guards and overseers to see after their health and morals" as the "proper measures be taken to….preserve the health of the town."[31] 

By early March 1863, the Negro population of Nashville was coalescing and assuming an independent character and stature of its own.  So much so that the rudiments of community social activity had surfaced, such as ballroom dances.  The editor of the Nashville Dispatch reported o­n o­ne dance, demonstrating the evolution of the black community in the city:

There were nearly o­ne hundred present, male and female being about equally represented; all, or nearly all, were dressed in their best, and all [sic] were clean.  The boys [sic] were generally neatly attired….The girls [sic] wore dresses of every conceivable variety, but white skirts prevailed, with bodies (or waists [sic], or whatever they may be called) of all shades, from drab to black, and generally of silk.  Some two or three wore their hats, and o­ne wore a wreath of artificial flowers....the best dancer was Lizzie Beach; she was dressed in white muslin, …she is tall, graceful, and danced an infinite variety of steps…. She had for a partner a boy [sic] in military overcoat, who seemed well up in the Terpsichorean art, but was scarcely a match for Lizzie, we would like to see them with the floor to themselves, and would expect a rich treat.[32]

Erstwhile slaves proved to be excellent and well disciplined troops.  In July 1864 their first grand review of the 12th, 15th, 17th and 100th regiments of United States Colored Infantry was held in Nashville.  o­ne witness wrote:  "We trust that these reviews may be frequent hereafter, that our citizens may see that the 'nigger' [sic] can and will make as good a soldier as a white man."[33]  Aside from construction and railroad guarding duty, U.S.C.T. were involved in fights as prominent as the battle at Fort Pillow to hunting guerrillas in Middle Tennessee.[34]  Those who witnessed the 1865 New Year's Day black parade in Memphis saw the Negroes' "law abiding character, their loyalty to the Union, their wish to educate their children, their profound gratitude to God….saw a race rising from ignorant, imbruted chattelism to manhood.  He saw them...with prayers...hymns...cheers for Lincoln, expressions of intense regard for Union soldiers, and...exhorting each other to manful lives and honest labor."[35] Near the end of the war a New York Times correspondent wrote of the Negro: "With all the considerate aid the Government can give them the condition of many is wretched enough.  Freedom however, they sigh for, and will have when attainable; any lowly and suffering lot as freeman, in preference to slavery, though the chains may sit easily in some exceptional cases." [36]  Perhaps the most bizarre and titillating episode involving African-Americans is found in President Andrew Johnson's complaint to General G. H. Thomas, in September 1865, that in Greeneville, the "negro soldiery take possession of and occupy property in the town…and have even gone so far as to have taken my own house and inverted it into a rendezvous for male and female negroes…in fact making it a common negro brothel."[37]

The history of the occupation of the cities has not been well considered[38] and the topic is not o­ne with which the public or heritage tourist is very familiar.  Occupation of farms and cities were distinctive in terms of time, numbers and the means by which the administration of governance was protracted.  The wrenching immediacy of the occupation of a farm can best be illustrated by the August 24, 1862, entry in Madison county's Robert H. Cartmell's diary:

….they come after night…running about in the yard looking for a well, wanting supper….making citizens furnish them with what they wished….Dogs barking and sabres rattling was the order of the night & through today….These…men have committed all kinds of depredations upon the citizens….We have to submit as well as we can to our fate.  These fellows curse & swear that we brought them down here & [we] ought to suffer for it.  They…look upon us as traitors and everything we have as of right belonging to them....[39]

Murfreesboro environs ca. January 1863

Rural occupations were short, those in cities often encompassed the duration.  The occupation of Clarksville, Nashville, Murfreesboro, Jackson, Memphis, Chattanooga and Knoxville were generally peaceful affairs, yet maintaining the peace was another matter.  Reaction to the initial occupation of Nashville was greeted by o­ne unidentified Union supporter writing to her Grandmother: "I am wild, crazed almost, with delight….I cannot do anything but sing, whistle, or hum 'Yankee Doodle,' 'Hail Columbia,' 'The Star Spangled Banner,' and feast my eyes o­n those victorious colors."[40]  Annie Sedon wrote to her sister from Atlanta after fleeing Nashville with a different set of view:  "[T]he suspension bridge was torn up, the rail road bridge was burned and oh how frightful was the burning, the whole town was illuminated by the flames, not a bell was rung, not a sound heard, all Nashville was stricken with a stony despair…."[41] Aunt Nanny, a slave housekeeper belonging to a Nashville banker had another view of the fall of Fort Donelson and subsequent panic.  News of the disaster became known o­n Sunday morning when citizens were o­n their way to church.  Soon the streets were "filled with half-crazed people flying here and there, women and children and even men running out of breath, and screaming, 'The Yankees are coming,'…."  But, according to Aunt Nanny:

We colored folks….we was all so full wid de great joy, dat we'se a sayin' in our hearts all de time 'Bless de Lord,' 'Thank de good God," for de "day of jubilee has come!' [sic]

'But we was mighty hush, an' put o­n just as long faces as we could, and was might' 'sprized when they told us of it.  An' missus she come runnin'…to the kitchen and put up both arms and she said:  -- 

'Oh, Aunty Nanny, we'll all be killed!  The Yankees are coming!  They'll hang or cut the throat of every nigger that's left here!'

An' after that she tried to have me go south with her, but I told her I'd risk the Yankees a killin' us, and I wouldn't go.[42]

 Urban vice and crime constitute another component of Tennesssee's Civil War legacy.  In July 1863 Nashville was revisited by a crime wave.  In September 1862, civilian pleas to General Rosecrans resulted in the provision of a military force under the mayor's authority to aid "the police in the preservation of good order, and the prevention of crime."  The plan worked exceedingly well and within a "few days and nights of constant vigilance" a number of the most notorious characters were either in jail or had absconded…."  Citizens could walk the streets "at any hour of the night and the horrible atrocities were nearly forgotten" until the force was withdrawn to take part in the Tullahoma campaign.  The resulting law enforcement vacuum left Nashville "at the mercy of the depraved  --  citizens and soldiers."  Murder, robbery, cutting and maiming had returned and the "city was disgraced by scenes of barbarous atrocities and almost nightly robberies."  According to an editorial:

Soldiers are permitted to roam about the city off duty, armed, and after imbibing a few glasses of whisky, ready and willing to use their weapons upon the slightest provocation….we have recorded the killing of…an inoffensive citizen…the poisoning of a family of nine persons…the cutting of a soldier…in so horrible a manner that he died…the killing of sutler by a negro [sic]; and o­n Sunday night, the cutting of a citizen with a sabre or sword bayonet….[43]

 In Memphis, municipal authorities could not cope with the egregious changes in circumstances attendant to occupation of the city.  Major-General Sherman believed the army had an important role to play in the maintenance of order and harmony in Memphis, no small order.  In general, Sherman's philosophy for occupation was uncomplicated:  "If a man disturbs the peace, I will kill or remove him; if he does anything wrong and there is no civil power in existence, the military power does exist and must act, for we must have some law.  Nature abhors anarchy."[44]

The general calm and acquiescence exhibited in newspapers concerning the February 1861 vote to stay in the Union was as surprising as the total lack of coverage of the secret session of the legislature following that vote.[45]  In Nashville o­ne editorial stated that while the other result was expected, the "people have spoken, and we have naught to say against their decree.  It may bring no harm, or it may remit evil o­nly - which of the two will be known before the expiration of many days." An itinerant bag-piper "was the most amusing scene" in Nashville after the results were known.  "He played long and loud, and the crowd made the welkin ring as he went through Yankee Doodle…."[46]  In Memphis the editor of the Daily Avalanche conceded that "Tennessee for the present has calmly abnegated secession, wholly, fully and unequivocally….Tennessee to-day is in sentiment a Union State, is…beyond all cavil, all question….stop talking of drowning and enforcing, and whipping and hanging, but talk of justice and brotherly love, and mutual [sic] forbearance."[47]

While editorials recognized the results of the February vote they said nothing about the secret meeting of the legislature in May.  We can o­nly speculate about what could have been so appalling about the debates that they had to be kept secret.  What went o­n behind closed doors?  Was the will of the people thwarted by a secessionist cabal?  Another insight revolved around the initial attempt of the state government to finance its war effort.  It was pitiful, even comical.  Such men of means as ex-Governor Neill S. Brown, James Edmund Bailey, and "General" W. G. Harding, who composed the state Military and Financial Board, campaigned more about the transfer of state debt to the Confederate government and having it reimburse bondholders for expenses rather than providing for soldiers.  According to the Board's letter to Confederate Secretary of War, L. P. Walker of September 6, 1861 the state had "expended in equipping for the field the Provisional Army the sum of $4,000,000, and there are still demands…to pay the troops and for balances for purchase of supplies a little over $1,00,000."  The money was due and had to be paid to maintain state's credit, or bonded indebtedness.  The Board had expected "to be reimbursed from the Confederate Treasury…to pay the balance of the debt thus contracted, but learn…that we cannot look to that source…We cannot too strongly represent this policy of enabling us to pay our debts, but without this guarantee from the Government we will not be able to do so."[48]  In a second note, written the same day, the Board made it as clear as possible that "…the failure to receive any part of the money already expended by Tennessee makes it very doubtful whether we will be able to pay our debts already contracted."[49]

If the government couldn't supply its soldiers then local committees offered to make the effort.  In early July 1861 it was obvious to the members of the Fayetteville Committee of Correspondence that volunteers from Lincoln County would get no winter clothing from the Confederate government.  In a poignant letter to Confederate Secretary of War L. P. Walker, they offered to clothe them with uniforms made from wool textiles manufactured in Fayetteville.[50]  Acting o­n a similar impulse, o­n August 8, 1861, the Tennessee Military and Financial Board appealed to the "wives, mothers, and daughters of Tennessee" to "prepare goods for o­ne suit of clothing and knit two pairs of stockings" for the Volunteer State's soldiers.[51] Flush with promises of huge profits, arms manufacturers promised state officials the moon but could not deliver, forcing the governor to impound all civilian-sporting pieces for military use.[52]  In the production of primer caps, however, Nashville was exceptional.[53]

The magnitude of illegal cotton trading near Memphis, Chattanooga and in Middle Tennessee was intriguing.  The gold Northern buyers paid for Confederate cotton ended up purchasing Belgian rifles and other military accouterments.  The editor of the Memphis Daily Appeal, for example, complained of the "clandestine cotton speculation by traitorous East Tennesseeans [sic]" that was "immediately transmitted to Yankeedom."[54]  Chattanooga Daily Rebel exposed the practice in a lengthy editorial entitled "SELLING COTTON TO THE ENEMY."  "The men who furnish the enemy with cotton during the past Spring and Summer are responsible in a great degree, for the continuance of this war" an opinion which Major-General W. T. Sherman in Memphis ironically concurred, o­nly the flow of gold was southward.[55]  Inflated prices, the uncertain value of currency and commodities' speculation were common,[56] leading o­ne secessionist editor to denounce the "VAMPIRES" and the "intolerable avarice and extortion of adventurous tradesmen" that pushed prices up.  Speculators, or "army worms," were "mere vampires that maintain life o­nly by phlebotomizing the Confederacy…."[57] 

Some may find it an o­nerous conclusion, but Nathan Bedford Forrest was defeated in battle a number of times in Tennessee.[58]  For example, o­n August 29, 1862, in Coffee County, Forrest, whose force outnumbered the Federals within a stockade at the ratio of 9:1, led three attacks that failed with consequential loss.[59]  Another loss occurred at Kingston in August 25, 1863[60], and yet another near Murfreesboro o­n December 7, 1864, the "battle of the Cedars," wherein his command lost heart and fled from the field.[61]  There was at least o­ne case of mass murder of white United States Colored Troops' officers committed by Confederate soldiers at least nominally under Forrest's command, Fort Pillow notwithstanding.[62]  The incidence and extent of guerrilla, or as some prefer, "partisan ranger," activity and the extreme measures taken to suppress it were widespread.[63]  Home guard units o­n both sides often took o­n characteristics of terrorist gangs, and were o­nly in it for the money.[64]  Col. Fielding Hurst (U.S.), for example, extorted over $100,000 from citizens of West Tennessee, while his brother in law squeezed $50,000 out of McNairy County alone.[65] 

The existence of anti-Semitism was unexpected.  Brigadier-General L. F. Ross wrote to Major-General John A. McClernand in Bolivar that cotton speculators in Hardeman County were anxious to pay for military help in transporting their cotton to market.  He was happy to oblige, adding that because "some of the Jew owners have as good as stolen the cotton from the planters, I have no conscientious scruples in making them pay liberally for getting it away."[66]  In efforts to stop contraband trade in and about Memphis Sherman displayed a heretofore-unfamiliar anti-Semitism o­n the part of eminent Union commanders.  Writing to Major-General U. S. Grant o­n July 30, 1862, Sherman explained:

I found so many Jews and speculators here trading in cotton…I have felt myself bound to stop it….I have respected all permits by yourself or the Secretary of the Treasury, but in these new cases (swarms of Jews) [sic] I have stopped it.[67]

 Grant was of the same frame of mind.  o­n November 9, 1862, he prohibited travel permits for anyone traveling south of Jackson, Tennessee, specifying that the "Israelites especially should be kept out."[68]  o­n the 17th Grant issued General Orders, No. 11 stipulating: "The Jews, as a class violating every regulation of trade established by the Treasury Department and also department orders, are hereby expelled from the department within twenty-four hours from the receipt of this order."[69]

All military post commanders were to provide Jews with passes upon notification of No. 11.  Any Jew returning afterwards was to be arrested and held in confinement.  Under no circumstances were passes to be given to "these people" to apply for trade permits.[70]

"The Civil War in Tennessee: New Perspectives o­n Familiar Materials," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, Vol. LXI, no. 2 (Summer 2003).

[1] Frederick H. Dyer's A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Compiled and Arranged from official records of the War of the Rebellion: compiled and arranged from official records of the Federal and Confederate Armies, reports of the Adjutant's Generals of the several States, the army registers, and other reliable documents and sources. (Des Moines, Ia., Dyer Publishing Co., 1908, rpt. New York, 1959).  [Hereinafter cited as Dyer, Compendium.]

[2] E. B. Long, ed., The Civil War, Day by Day:  An Almanac 1861-1865, (New York: 1971).  Hereinafter cited as:  Civil War, Day by Day.  Another frequently consulted text of great value, although it does not address conflicts, is Tennesseans in the Civil War: A Military History of Confederate and Union Units with Available Rosters of Personnel, (Nashville, 1964).

[3]  Civil War, Day by Day, p. 719.

[4] Long does not provide any state-by-state lists of combat incidents, a prominent feature of Dyer's Compendium.

[5] Dallas Irvine, Edwin R. Coffee, Robert B. Matchette, comps., Military Operations of the Civil War:  A Guide-Index to the Official Records of the Union and, Confederate Armies, 1861-1865, Vol. IV, "Main Western Theater of Operations, Except Gulf Approach, 1861-1863 (65?), NARS, GSA Washington: 1980, Section M, "Tennessee" pp. 93-153, Section N, "Tennessee," pp. 178-188.

[6] These research tools were made available by Mr. Fred Prouty, Executive Director of the Tennessee Wars Commission.

[7] However, the CD Rom is in some cases incomplete or in error by way of omission so the paper OR and NOR were consulted to correct citations when circumstance rose.

[8] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. II, pp. 782-785.

[9] There is no period or contemporary dictionary of military terms available, according to the United States Military Academy Library reference desk at West Point, to give precise categorical definitions for Civil War fights.

[10] See OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. I, p. 1020, for example.

[11] OR, Ser. I. Vol. 4, pp. 205, 286-287, 323.

[12] After informing Drs. Michael E. Birdwell and Calvin Dickinson of the Tennessee Technological University History Department about the affair, they sought out the Travisville site and found material culture corroboration in the form of a gravestone inscription verifying the death of o­ne of the combatants and the date of the clash.  The marker was dedicated in late June 1999.

[13] OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 2, p. 362.

[14] TSLA Confederate Collection, Box C 28, folder 17, Letters – Lacy, Andrew Jackson, 1862-1863.  See also: Nashville Daily Gazette, 1, 3, 4, December, 1861

[15] TSLA Confederate Collection, Diary of Nimrod Porter, December 16, 1864.  See also: John C. Spence, A Diary of the Civil War, (Rutherford County Historical Society: Murfreesboro, 1993), pp. 74-75. [Hereinafter cited as: Spence, Diary]

[16] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 103-105; Nashville Union and American, 7 August 1861; New York Times, 8 December 1861; Cincinnati Gazette, 12 December 1861; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, pp. 862, 953; Ser. IV, Vol. 2, p. 138; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 29 October; 1, 6, November 1862; Jackson West Tennessee Whig 28 March 1862.

[17] Public Acts of the State of Tennessee, passed at the extra session of the Thirty-Third General Assembly, April 1861 (Nashville, 1861), Chapter 24, pp. 49-50. See also: OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 1, p. 409.  It is hard to know what they were thinking.  Volunteering o­n the conditions established by the legislature would have been tantamount to giving up freedom.

[18] Memphis Bulletin, 9 October 1862; 21 March 1863; 21 July 1863; 12, 14, 16 August 1863; 15 September 1863; 26 January 1864: Nashville Daily Press, 8, 9, September 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 20 January 1864; 25, 28, 29, March 1865.

[19] Memphis Bulletin, 9 October 1862

[20] Nashville Daily Gazette, 13 September 1861.

[21] Nashville Dispatch, 23 July 1863.

[22] Nashville Dispatch, 20, January; 12 June 1864.

[23] Memphis Bulletin, 20, 30, June ; 11, 13 September 1863.

[24] Memphis Bulletin, 13 September 1863.

[25] Memphis Bulletin, 11 August 1864

[26] Ibid.

[27] Elvira J. Powers, Hospital Pencillings; Being a Diary While in Jefferson General Hospital, Jeffersonville, Ind., and Others at Nashville, Tennessee, As Matron and Visitor, (Boston, 1866), pp. 61-63.  [Hereinafter cited as: Powers, Pencillings.]

[28] See for example the following sample: Brownlow's Whig and Independent Journal and Rebel Ventilator, 11 November, 1863; Memphis Commercial Appeal, October 22, 1861; Memphis Avalanche, 2 September, 1861; Memphis Daily Argus, 21 June, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 7, July, 14 August, 1862; 12February, 16 August, 28, 30, October, 21, November 1863; 14 September, 1 October 1864; 2 January 1865; Memphis Union Appeal, 4 July, 14 August 1862; Nashville Daily Press, 23 May, 30 June, 27 July, 17 September, 10 July, 26 November, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 6 March, 25 June, 1 October, 1863; 5, 11, 16 August, 1864; 25 March, 1865: Nashville Daily Union, 27 February, 15 July, 1863: Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 20 September, 28 July, 1864: Nashville (Daily Press &) Times, 16 August, 1864: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 7, pp. 841-842; Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 15-16, 21, 66-67, 82, 114, 115, 121-123 158-160, 169-172; Vol. 23, pt. II, pp. 17-18, 290-291, 698; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 136-137, 198, 366-367, 414-415, 719-720; Vol. 32, pt. I, pp. 609-611;Vol. 32, pt. III, p. 48, 364; Vol. 39, pt. I, pp. 493, 843; Vol. 39, pt. II, p. 439; Vol. 45, pt. I, pp. 540-541, 543-546; Vol. 45, pt. II, pp. 601, 1109; Ser. II, Vol. 5, pp. 803-804; Ser. III, Vol. 4, pp. 763-772; Chicago Journal, 4 April 1862, as cited in the New York Times, 5 April 1862; Papers of General Robert Huston Milroy, Vol. II, Diary of General Robert Huston Milroy 1865, compiled by Margaret B. Paulus, 1965, pp. 495-496, (provided through the courtesy of Dr. Michael Bradley, Motlow State Community College), [hereinafter cited as Papers of General Milroy].  Leroy P. Graf, Ralph Haskins, eds., Patricia P. Clark, assoc. ed., Papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 5, 1861-1862 (Knoxville, 1979) pp. 371-372, Vol. 6, pp. 360, 491, 568, [hereinafter cited as: PAJ, etc.]; Spence, Diary, pp. 72-73, 113-114; Powers, Pencillings, pp. 67-68.

[29] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. II, p 366.  Any response to his query has been lost.

[30] Nashville Daily Union, 27 February, 1863.

[31] Nashville Dispatch, 9 July, 1863.

[32] Nashville Dispatch, 6 March, 1863.

[33] Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 28 July, 1864. See also: Nashville Dispatch, 11 August, 1864; Nashville Dispatch, 16 August, 1864; Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 20 September, 1864; OR, Ser. III, Vol. 4, pp. 763-772.

[34] OR, Ser. III, Vol. 4, pp. 763-772; Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 20 September, 1864.

[35] Memphis Bulletin, 2 January, 1865

[36] New York Times, 8 February, 1865.

[37] OR, Ser. I. Vol. 49. pt. II, p. 1109.

[38] An exception is Walter Durham's Nashville the Occupied City (Nashville: 1985) and Reluctant Partners (Nashville, 1987).  These books explore the occupation of Nashville by the Federal army.  Durham has recently been appointed State Historian.

[39] TSLA, Confederate Collection, Robert H. Cartmell Diary, August 24, 1861.

[40] Anecdotes, Poetry, and Incidents of the War: North and South, 1860-1865, (New York 1867), pp. 267-268.  [Hereinafter cited as: Anecdotes, Poetry, and Incidents.]

[41] Kimberly Family. Personal Correspondence, 1862-1864:

[42] Powers, Pencillings, pp. 70-71.]

[43] Nashville Dispatch, 21 July, 1863.

[44] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 31, pt. I, p. 766; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 97-98.  See also: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt II, pp. 127, 294-296; Memphis Union Appeal, 27 August, 1862.

[45] Nashville Daily Gazette, 5, 9, January; 5, 6, 7, 9, 10 February, 1861; Robert H. Cartmell Diary, 26 January, 2 February, 1861; Nashville Daily Gazette, 29 January, 2 February 1861.

Memphis Daily Argus, 5 February, 1861, Leroy P. Graf, Ralph Haskins, eds., Patricia P. Clark, assoc. ed., The papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 4, 1860-1861 (Knoxville, 1976), p. 274. [Hereinafter cited as PAJ, etc.]

[46] Nashville Daily Gazette, 10 February, 1861.

[47] Memphis Daily Avalanche, 10 February, 1861.

[48] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 4, p. 402.

[49] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 140-141, 158-162.

[50] OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 1, pp. 506-507.

[51] Clarksville Chronicle, 16 August, 1861.  This document is found in no official collection and is the kind of evidence overlooked in Tennessee Civil War historiography due to an unnecessary focus upon strictly martial matters.

[52] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 7, pp. 427-429; Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 108-109, 122-123; Memphis Appeal, 18 July, 1861; Memphis Daily Appeal, 2 August, 1861; Clarksville Chronicle, 22 November, 1861; Cartmell Diary, 17 November, 1861; Nashville Daily Gazette, 18 December, 1861; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 8, 17 October, 1863; Frank Moore, ed., The Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives, Illustrative Events, Poetry, etc., 4 Vols., (New York 1866-1868), Vol. 4, pp. 202-204.  [Hereinafter cited as: Rebellion Record, Vol. no., page no., etc.]

[53] See: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 93, 163; Ser. III, Vol. 4, p. 883.

[54] Memphis Daily Appeal, 17 April, 1862.

[55] Memphis Daily Appeal, 17 April, 1862. New York Times, 3 August, 1862; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 200-202; Vol. 30, pt. III, p 664; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp., 304, 355; Vol. 39, pt. II, pp. 22-23; Vol. 52, pt. I, p. 331. Memphis Bulletin, 1 October, 1863; Memphis Bulletin, 10 May, 1864; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 4 November, 1862; PAJ, Vol. 5, pp. 370, 499. The Lincoln administration apparently quietly sanctioned the trade.  See: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 150.

[56] Memphis Commercial Appeal, 17, 18 October, 1861; Memphis Daily Appeal, 11 March, 17 April, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 8, 10, July, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 2, 8, October, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, February 12, 1863; New York Times, February 16, June 13, 1862; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, p. 969; Vol. 23, pt. II, p. 453; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 2 October, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, November 5, 1862, February 12, June 23, 1863; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. I, pp. 261-262; Vol. 23, pt. II, 718-719; Ser. IV, Vol. 3, pp. 1050-1053.

[57] Memphis Commercial Appeal, 18 October, 1861.

[58] OR, Ser. I. Vol. 16, pt. I, pp. 901-906; Vol. 16, pt. II, p. 454, 462; Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 483; Vol. 20, pt. I, pp. 6-7; Vol. 23, pt. I, p.7; Vol. 23. pt. II, pp. 45-46; Vol. 30, pt. III, p. 184; Vol. 45, pt. I, pp. 614-615;Vol. 45, pt. I, p. 755; Papers of General Milroy, p. 400; Rebellion Record, Vol. 5, pp. 599-600; Nashville Dispatch, 7 November, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 22 February, 1863.  For a spirited defense of Forrest see: Lonnie E. Maness "An Untutored Genius: The Military Career of General N. B. Forrest," at

[59] OR, Ser. I. Vol. 16, pt. I, pp. 901-906; Vol. 16, pt. II, p. 454, 462; Rebellion Record, Vol. 5, pp. 599-600.

[60] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 30, pt. III, pp. 184, 187

[61] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 45, pt. I, pp. 614-619, 755; Papers of General Milroy, p. 400.  The designation "battle of the Cedars" was given by Edwin C. Bearss in an unpublished research project "The History of Fortress Rosecrans," 1959.  The study was made available by Gib Buckland, the historian at Stones River National Battlefield.

[62] The massacre took place in Hickman County, near Vernon in November 1864.  See: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 769.

[63] References to guerrilla warfare are widespread: a sampling includes: PAJ, Vol. 4, p. 580, Vol. 5, pp. 374-375, 435, 478-479, 545-546.  Leroy P. Graf, Ralph Haskins, eds., Patricia P. Clark, assoc. ed., Marion D. Smith, The Papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 6 (Knoxville: 1983) 1862-1864, p. 459 [hereinafter cited as PAJ Vol. 6.]; Memphis Avalanche, 26 February, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 30 July, 1862; 9 January, 3 September, 1863; 6 October, 1864; 17 January, 1865; New York Times, 7 May, 27 July, 1862; Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 20 September, 1864; Nashville Dispatch, 28 March, 1865; Naval OR, Ser. I, Vol. 27, pp. 8-9, 148; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, pp. 110 173-174; Vol. 17, pt. I, p. 698; Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 107, 110, 121-123; Vol. 23, pt. I, pp. 353-354; Vol. 23, pt. II, p 366; Vol. 24, pt. II, pp. 432-434; Vol. 30, pt. II, p. 647; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 261-262, 292-293; Vol. 32, pt. I, pp. 55-57; Vol. 32, pt. III, p, 353; Vol. 39, pt. I, pp. 15, 844-846; Vol. 39, pt. II, pp. 40, 52-53; Vol. 42, pt. III, pp. 1183-1184; Vol. 45, pt. II, p. 50; Vol. 45, pt. II, p. 569; Vol. 49, pt. I, pp. 7-8; Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 366, 1090; Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 304-305;Ser. II, Vol. 7, pp. 18-19.

[64] See for example: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. I, p. 31; Vol. 24, pt. III, pp. 579-580; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 508-509; Vol. 32, pt. I, pp. 73-74; Vol. 32, pt. II, pp., 67-68;Vol. 39, pt. III, p. 238; Vol. 45, pt. I, p. 836; Vol. 49, pt. I, pp. 34, 706; Vol. 49, pt. II, pp. 292-293; Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 85-86; Memphis Appeal, 13 June, 1861; Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, 14 September, 1861; OR, Ser. I. Vol. 4, pp. 205. 248-250; Memphis Daily Appeal, 22 November, 1861; PAJ, Vol. 5, pp. 583-585, 603-604; New York Times, August 19, 1862; Daniel Ellis, Thrilling Adventures of Daniel Ellis, The Great Union Guide of East Tennessee for a period of Nearly Four Years During the Great Southern Rebellion.  Written by Himself.  Containing a Short Biography of the Author, Will Illustrations, (NY: 1867; rpt. Johnson City, Tenn., 1987), pp. 107-110. [Hereinafter cited as Ellis, Thrilling Adventures]; Memphis Bulletin, 3 September, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 10 September, 1863; Memphis Bulletin, 9 December, 1863; Nashville Daily Times and True Union, 29 July 1864; Nashville Daily Press, 6 October, 1864.

[65] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 750.

[66] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 120.

[67] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 140-141.

[68] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 330, 337.

[69] OR, Ser.  I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 424.

[70] Ibid.

The Civil War in Tennessee: New Perspectives o­n Familiar Materials, Part II. By James B. Jones, Jr.  

All military post commanders were to provide Jews with passes upon notification of No. 11.  Any Jew returning afterwards was to be arrested and held in confinement.  Under no circumstances were passes to be given to "these people" to apply for trade permits.[1]

News of Grant's actions reached Washington[2] and by January 4, 1863 a communication from General Henry Halleck was sent to General Grant ordering that General Orders, No. 11 to "be immediately revoked."[3]  Such sentiments were not openly espoused thereafter among military commanders in Tennessee.[4]

An interesting comment o­n class-consciousness is found in a letter from Confederate Lieutenant-General "the Fighting Bishop" Leonidas Polk to his wife written in February 1863.  He mentions that he promoted their son to his staff because the young man found the artillery captain to whom he was assigned too challenging.  While Confederate soldiers went without, Polk sent his wife material and dress patterns.  He fussed that his staff officer gallants were too busy seeking paramours about the countryside to write their reports o­n the battle of Stones River.[5]  Major General J. J. Reynolds, in what can be called a sociological appendix to his report of the Federal reconnaissance of February 3-5, 1863 in Middle Tennessee, demonstrated that loyalty to the Confederacy was strongest in the upper castes, and lowest in the lower classes.[6]  Lucy Virginia French's lengthy and entertaining account of what can most accurately be called the "sack of Beersheba Springs" in July 1863 by mountain folk likewise demonstrates conflicts based upon class consciousness.

….the mountain people…carried off everything they could from both hotel and cottages….negros [sic] pitched in with a will….Gaunt, ill-looking men and slatternly, rough barefooted women…eager as…wolves….hauling out furniture…the women….as full of avaricious thirst as the…men.  Others seated o­n…plunder, smoked and glared defiance….One crone…sat o­n her pile, and crooned a hymn….One girl -- bare-headed and barefooted took off some dress from B[isho]p Otey's.  She…tried o­ne o­n and had a…boy hooking them up for her….At…Freelin's house they held an orgie [sic] the whole night, singing, shouting…dancing….They dragged…furniture…into the woods…coming back for another load….one woman had a lot of books…Latin and French…volumes of…theological character….Two women went into a…fist fight…for an hour….The men would have red curtain tassels o­n their hats--the women beggared description as to costume…."the masses" had it all their own way…the aristocrats went down…and Democracy--Jacobinism--and Radicalism…reigned triumphant.[7]


The U. S. Army Medical Corps made efforts to improve public health by constructing sewers, removing dead animals, rubbish and offal from the streets, and enforcing small pox inoculation[8].  Another unique chapter in Tennessee Civil War history dealt with the U. S. Medical Corps' battle against venereal disease, and consequently with prostitution.[9]  The increased incidence of venereal diseases resulting from prostitution made the practice far and away an enormous threat to the army.  In the summer of 1863 officials in Nashville exiled the courtesans to Louisville.  The "Cyprians" weren't welcomed there either, and were restored to Nashville.  The o­nly solution was to set up a legalized and licensed system of prostitution based upon medical inspection.  Memphis duplicated the system a year later.[10]  Women, who professed to be their wives, sometimes lived with Federal officers.  In Murfreesboro they were easily singled out.  According to o­ne observer, "when we see a woman wearing long ringlets, large ear trinkets, a flowing feather in her hat, galloping up and down over the country with officer and soldier, having oyster suppers and wine drinking, it may be set down she does not lie at the feet of Boaz for nothing."[11]

Early in the war the "Society of Southern Mothers" formed in Memphis, and similar groups in other cities, to help sustain and nurse wounded Confederate troops.[12]  As the war turned against the Confederates there was o­ne report that the Memphis City Council considered drafting women to serve as nurses.  However, as wounds festered the well-mannered belles of Memphis were reluctant to continue in their role as care givers.  Slaves were sought as nurses[13]  More common than the southern belle was the vision provided by a war correspondent for the Chicago Journal:

Picture a human female in a dress hanging limp, with the look and grace of a dishcloth o­n a fork…an unmarried female with the modesty of a cow, a piece of tobacco in her mouth, and two batches of children at her heels….They all indulge, when they can, in the practice…called "dipping."  Take a little stem of althea, chew it into a bit of a brook at o­ne end, dip it in snuff, sweep your mouth out with it, and leave the handle sticking out of o­ne corner. like a broom in a mop pail, and remember all the while that it is a woman's mouth, and you have as much of the fashion as I propose to describe.[14]


Other information concerning the role of women came to light.[15]  For example, fifty-four bellicose belles of Gordonsville, Smith County, petitioned Governor Johnson in November 1862 for arms they wished to use in "aiding to put down the rebellion".  "If you accept us" they wrote, "please send them immediately….If not we will arm ourselves and bushwhack it."[16]  In April 1862 it was reported that the "Rebel Masked Battery" had formed in Clarksville.  It was said to be a secret paramilitary organization make up entirely of women.  According to o­ne account:

They appear o­n the street frequently in complete Confederate uniform…a short grey dress, blue stripes down the sides, coat sleeves, blue cuffs, tight waists, with blue lapels, standing collars, secession cravats, and the whole profusely trimmed with gold lace and brass buttons, ad infinitum.  Turned up black hats with a long black feather in front, with a gold star and white buckskin gauntlets; [to] complete the dress: deadly pistol and dagger; there are about seventy-five in the company.[17]


In July 1863, some women in Jackson assisted Confederates under attack by carrying ammunition for them "in a very gallant manner under fire."[18]  Some women disguised themselves as men and joined the army.[19].  A case in point was Ms. Mary Ann Pitman, who not o­nly helped raise a company of infantry in the Chestnut Bluff environs in Crockett County, but served as second lieutenant until after the battle of Shiloh when she was made the company's commander.  Shortly thereafter the company joined Forrest's command and, according to Pitman, she took the name Rawley, and: 

While with Forrest's command I was, a large portion of the time, occupied o­n special service, much of which was of a secret character and in the performance of which I passed in the character of a female.  Whilst so employed I was detailed to procure ordnance and ammunition….[20]


The belles of Gordonsville, the "Masked Confederate Battery," and Ms. Pitman were not at all like the pro-Confederate and wealthy Rebecca Carter Craighead of Nashville who resisted the Federal presence in Nashville by resolutely refusing to take the oath of allegiance to the Union until her husband offered to take her o­n a trip to New York City in the summer of 1864.[21]  She quickly swore the oath and took her trip where she purchased a $400 dress and fine jewelry.[22]  Coincidently, as the wives and families of prominent Unionists were being harassed to leave East Tennessee by Confederate authorities, Mrs. Sarah J. Estes was forced to leave her home in Madison county due to the war.[23]  By middle June, 1862, she was despondent:  "Words cannot express my wretchedness.  Oh!  Will we be crushed and starved out by…Yankees?  The thought is…tearing my heart out….All the precious blood shed for naught."[24]  Others made sacrifices for the war effort.  Lucy Virginia French and her daughter thought it best to refrain from dancing at the McMinnville Valentine's Day ball in 1863 "only because we have judged it our duty to dance 'not at all' until this dreadful war shall be over."[25]

While some women feared Yankees, others extended assistance.  After Confederate cavalry fired the train depot at Henderson, Chester County, in November 1862, women from the town quickly put the blaze out unassisted.  Major-General U. S. Grant was impressed ordering that the

commanding officer of the District of Jackson shall have the names of these ladies enrolled and direct that they be protected in their property and the quiet of their homes, and also that rations be issued to them from time to time free of charge if necessity requires it, and that every facility be given them to purchase every article of necessity for the use of themselves and families.[26] 


The most famous Confederate female spies were Fannie Battle and her friend Harriet Booker.  The two young Confederates were arrested for smuggling and sent to prison in Ohio.  Through the efforts Governor Harris, James Seddon, Confederate State Secretary of State, and a host of other Confederate and Federal bureaucrats they were released.[27]

There was poetry in the newspapers, as well as accounts of flag or sword presentations and humorous accounts of grand balls and camp life and editorials complaining of martial prohibition[28]  Martial prohibition prompted o­ne Memphis poet to editorialize in part:

"The delectable juice, with its stores of wealth untold,

Can not be had by any man, for greenbacks or gold!"[29]


In the months before the fiasco at Fort Donelson, slave owners were asked to provide labor to help build fortifications at Nashville and other points.  Few did, and some bragged about not complying.  The forts were not built.  It seemed ironic that those who had the most to gain from the Confederacy refused to support it, and not out of loyalty to the Union, but out of a stingy spirit of deception as they gloatingly duped the government.[30] 

More diversity in Tennessee's Civil War experience included the October 1863 proposal by Nashvillian S. R. Cockrill to the Commissioners of the Confederate States for an imaginative five-step strategy to harvest fish in the state's rivers to feed the Army of Tennessee.  General Pillow warmly endorsed the idea and proposed using his conscription force to aid in the plan.[31]  o­n February 1, 1865, the Board of Commissioners for the State of Tennessee met in Aberdeen, Mississippi.  They worked long and hard to establish an exhaustive "schedule of prices for produce and army supplies…to continue in force until altered."[32]  That there was no Confederate authority in Tennessee apparently did not cross their minds.  Brigadier-General Pillow, o­n two separate occasions, wrote to the Federal commanders in Memphis in attempts to obtain safe passage so that he might take care of his property within Union lines.[33]  It is difficult to determine if this was treason or simply unreasoned.

Both Confederate and Federal forces took political prisoners and hostages to extort loyalty.[34]  Hints were found regarding the vigilante-like behavior of "Safety Committees" that formed in Memphis and Nashville even before secession.  In Memphis it was apparently common shave the heads of Union supporters during the time of Confederate control.[35]  Such group activities were apparently as much mechanisms for slave and class management as instruments to legitimate the appropriation of the wealth of those whose beliefs were not "PC" ["Politically Confederate"].

Concerns about the loyalty of the civilian populace were a matter of great concern to both sides.  In Middle Tennessee in late April 1861, Mayor R. B. Cheatham found it necessary to curb the excesses "self-constituted Committees, or Individuals" who had been disturbing the peace, forcing "our Northern-born Citizens to leave Nashville."  Instead, those who suspected the loyalties of "northern-born Citizens" should lodge complaints at the Mayor's Office for investigation.  "And all Persons implicated can be assured they will be protected from unfounded rumors and stories, until properly investigated by the proper Authorities."[36]

Writing to Jefferson Davis from Meesville, Bradley County, o­n July 11, 1861, soon-to-be-elected Confederate Congressman William Swan stated his fears that secret Union societies were out to oppose any Rebel attempts to impose authority.  He was certain that disloyal Union sentiments and societies were common from the Georgia-Tennessee state line to the Cumberland Gap.  He asked Davis: "Can you not take action to avert disaster now so threatening not…to the great movement of the South!…physical power…may and I believe will prevent it."[37]  The o­nly remedy was to arrest such malcontents. 

Regardless, East Tennessee Unionists remained firm in their politics and even though they were jailed in large numbers William Blount Carter could report o­n October 22, 1861 that they were "firm and unwavering in their devotion…and anxious to have an opportunity to assist in saving it." Not easily intimidated, the "loyalty of our people increases with the oppressions they have to bear."[38] 

            The Memphis Safety Committee petitioned Jefferson Davis o­n November 1, 1861, recognizing that those who had been seduced "from their proper allegiance" were being brought back into the fold by assurances that their families and property would be protected. This policy was working, but still too many were skeptical of the inherent goodness of the Confederate government.  The Safety Committee wanted authority to make a pro quid pro offer to those wayward men "that if they will lay down their arms, return to their homes, and become good and loyal citizens, they will be protected…with every o­ne who submits to the authority of the Confederate Government."  Governor Isham G. Harris agreed with the idea of giving blanket "assurance sought to all of those misguided citizens who will…declare their loyalty to the Government."  Such policies of conciliation were meant to curb the passions of local loyalty committees in Memphis.[39]  Any policy of leniency toward Unionists in East Tennessee ended as a result of bridge burning activity in October and November 1861.[40] 

One of the staunchest East Tennessee anti-Confederates was U. S. Representative Thomas A. R. Nelson.  His loyalty to the Union was initially most visible in his role as President of the East Tennessee Unionist Convention, held in Knoxville in late May 1861.  The resolutions framed by that body were hardly embodied loyalty to the Confederacy.[41]  Nelson's loyalty to the national government piqued the interest of East Tennessee Confederates.  o­n July 6, 1861, in a nearly breathless letter, Landon C. Haynes wrote to N. P. Walker, Confederate Secretary of War in Richmond, that "Mr. Thomas A. R. Nelson made a speech…which…incited the crowd to resist the action of the State and promised assistance to the Union men of the Lincoln Government."[42]

            Nelson was proceeding to Washington, D.C., in early August 1861 when he was arrested in Virginia.[43]  Nelson his son and escort were placed under arrest..  Writing from jail, Nelson pledged to Jefferson C. Davis that as a Tennessean "I shall feel it my duty as a citizen of that State to submit to her late action, and shall religiously abstain from any further words or acts of condemnation whatever or opposition to her government."  Additionally, he asked that those guides arrested with him, and his son be discharged[44]  Nelson's loyalty assured, Davis released then all the very next day.[45]  It was expected that Nelson would voice his public support for the Confederacy.[46]  His support was at best muted.  In a letter to Jefferson Davis o­ne East Tennessee Confederate wrote Nelson's participation in the recent general elections for the Confederate government.  "Neither Mr. Nelson nor any of the released men who had been sworn to be faithful to the Southern Confederacy voted upon the occasion…"[47]

            Nelson maintained his silence until early October 1862, when he issued his "Address to the People of East Tennessee."  The seeming motivation for the pronouncement was Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation.  Nelson renounced all of his earlier anti-Confederate positions.  His thinking o­n the "unconstitutionally and impolicy of secession remain unchanged, but…I have vindicated and maintained, and still maintain, the right of revolution."  He wrote that of "all the acts of despotism …is not o­ne…equals the atrocity and barbarism of Mr. Lincoln's proclamation."[48] The very next day Major-General Samuel Jones, newly in command at Knoxville, sent a letter with a copy of the address to Confederate Secretary of War, George W. Randolph, in Richmond.  Jones claimed that Nelson "on my suggestion, wrote and placed in my hands, to be used as I thought proper, an address to the people of East Tennessee."  Jones promised to "have it published and widely circulated and hope it will be productive of good."[49]

The fidelity to the Confederacy expressed in this dramatic turn about was, some said, due less to Nelson's love of rebellion or anti-abolitionist fears than to a father's concern for his yet again imprisoned son.  General Jones, in a letter to Nelson at his Jonesboro home, denied these rumors.  According to Jones:

I had heard that your son was young and indiscreet, and had committed the offense for which he was arrested in violation of your expressed wishes and while you were absent from home.  I have released a number of prisoners besides your son, and I released him because I supposed that it would be gratifying to you….[50]


Nelson remained pacified for the remainder of Confederate rule in East Tennessee, or almost so.  It is difficult to imagine, given Nelson's fierce pro-Union sentiments and intellect, that he was not coerced into making a quid pro quo arrangement to shield his son.  His apparent pro-Confederate opinions were likewise belied by the appearance in 1863 of a sardonically anti-Confederate book entitled An East Tennessean, Secession; or, Prose in Rhyme.[51]  The book was apparently anonymously penned, but was written by Nelson.

            In early June 1862, a West Tennessean sent a plea to Military Governor Andrew Johnson about the "disturbed condition of affairs" in Henry, Carrol, Gibson, Weakley and Obion counties.  According to the letter:

thousands of Loyal Men in the before named Counties…keep out of the way of these Lawless bands as well as…Regular Rebel Caverly [sic] who frequently pass through the counties…for the purpose of running off all the Provisions [sic] they can & arresting men for their Loyalty [sic] to the Old Govn. [sic][52]


At about the same time a Clarksville native wrote to Johnson concerning loyalty in that city.  As in northwest Tennessee, guerrilla bands attacked those with Union sympathies.  A guarantee of security would do much to bring Unionists out in full and open support of the Federal cause.  All expressed a willingness to take the oath of allegiance "if they were satisfied of safety and Protection at all time."  City and county officials should be required to take the oath or have their offices filled with other loyal officers.[53]

            o­n June 14, 1862, Judge A. J. Marchbanks, a citizen of Warren County, was arrested in Van Buren County by Federal forces under the command of Brigadier General Ebenezer DuMont.  After being shown to be disloyal to the Union he was sent to Camp Chase, Ohio, to sit out the rest of the war.  Even General Braxton Bragg's attempt to have him freed was unsuccessful.  His case continued to be a matter of some importance to Tennessee Confederates who believed that hostages could be taken to gain his release.  By early February 1863 Marchbanks had not been released, and Brigadier-General D. S. Donelson advised the Assistant Adjutant General in Knoxville "that some of the prominent leaders be arrested, put in prison, and held as hostages to such men as Judge Marchbanks, of Middle Tennessee."  If hostages were gathered a trade was apparently not negotiated. [54] 

            Johnson was sure and swift about requiring loyalty oaths.  If they were not taken then the offending parties were sent to the state penitentiary in Nashville.  Such was the case with a number of Nashville clergymen in June 1862.  o­ne clergyman, R. B. C. Howell, provided a lengthy but futile justification for not taking the oath, and was imprisoned Prominent Confederates in Murfreesboro were summarily rounded up and jailed in Nashville for refusing to take the oath of allegiance to the Union.[55]

Loyalty was an all or nothing proposition according to Brigadier-General Alvin P. Hovey.  He was approached by representatives of the Memphis Typographical Union in July 1862, who claimed that they shouldn't be required to take the oath of allegiance because its members were neutral in the war.  Hovey refused saying: "You are for us or against us, and a manly course is to choose your side."[56]  It was the case at times that o­ne had to prove his loyalty by providing a certificate so attesting.  According to o­ne naval officer, it was not uncommon that because "many guerrillas have been found dead o­n the battlefield, with the oath of allegiance in their pockets, I am forced to believe no man living with these guerrillas, though he had taken the oath forty times."[57]

            Memphians who applauded Forrest's raid into Memphis in August 1864 were jailed.[58]  In August 1864, it was announced in Nashville that o­nly citizens of approved loyalty would be allowed to purchase surplus U.S.M.R.R. coal.[59]

            Major-General R. H. Milroy was known for his strict and arbitrary policy toward guerrillas and bushwhackers in his Middle Tennessee jurisdiction.  Those loyal to the Union were expected to hunt down guerrillas, "the pursuit to be continued to extermination…."  Those civilians harboring guerrillas were to be treated in the same manner, while their homes would be burned.  According to Milroy's General Orders, No. 35: " The day for passive lip-loyalty has gone by, and loyalty, to be considered genuine, and to entitle the professor to the protection of the Government, must prove itself by works."[60]

The entire issue of loyalty was put to rest as the war ended.  Perhaps the best epitome of the cessation of the determination of loyalty is found in the succinct announcement of Milroy o­n May 25, 1865: "No more amnesty oaths will be administered to either soldiers or citizens, and all are repudiated and annulled which have been taken since the 15th day of December last."[61]

While this collection cannot be called comprehensive, it is certainly big.[62]  It presents more diversity than any o­ne study, and it is that diversity that can help refocus attention away from a narrow fixation o­n big battles and famous generals with what o­ne historian calls the "drum and trumpet" style of portraying the war as

competitions between individual generals who clenched cigars in their teeth as they leaned over lantern-lit maps in their tents o­n the eve of the contest, then bravely led their troops to victory, waving their swords heroically while riding o­n foaming steeds through the bloody fray….The outcomes of battles …are typically attributed to some combination of the shortcomings of the losing general (who unaccountably fails the seize the opportunity just as decisive victory lies within his grasp) and the tenacity of the winning side's regiments, which again and again rally miraculously at the last possible moment to stave of defeat.[63]


There is much to complicate uncritical understandings that have sprung from what o­ne critic identifies as a "neo-Confederate state of mind."  This outlook sees the war as a uniformly de rigueur blue vs. grey dichotomy interpreting the war as a uniformly martial, white-male southern heritage.  This notion was brought into the world by the successful efforts of United Daughters of the Confederacy that "distorted why the South seceded and made hash of Civil War history from beginning to end."[64]  History has yielded to the "heritage syndrome," as Michael Kammen called it, "an impulse to remember what is attractive or flattering and ignore the rest."[65]  History and heritage, it follows, are two different things, but the latter is based o­n the former.

An unusual editorial appeared in the Memphis Union Appeal in August 1862, with the eye-catching title "Why History Should Be Rewritten."  The first and foremost justification for taking o­n the task was that history

canonizes martial heroes too much….the pages of history are full of eulogies in honor of the valorous deeds of martial men, whose fame rests o­n their brave feats in war.  They scarcely tell us of anything else than their many bloody wars, their great battles, their great victories, the number of their captives, and the number of their slain….History should be re-written so that the horrors of war may be properly depicted.[66]


The author's words were perhaps a bit jejune, but they have a prescient quality o­ne hundred and forty years later, especially when considering the history of the Civil War in Tennessee.  Instead of documents generated from the event itself, the public can o­nly read histories of the war that are, more often than not, "eulogies in honor of the valorous deeds of martial men."  The emphasis upon battle, while not necessarily wrong – it is called the Civil War after all – is so tightly limited in its focus that few know enough to even ask questions of documents they have never seen and may not know exist.  They have never seen the documents because they have relied upon such traditional resources as Dyer's Compendium, not just woefully lacking in documentation, but totally lacking in documentation.  Secondary accounts of great battles are filtered through the historian's "objective bias" and are taken as the o­nly topic worthy of attention.

This is why a documentary sourcebook for the Civil War in Tennessee is needed.  It expand the limits of inquiry and draw attention to other Civil War heritage themes.  These subjects cannot be addressed by the hallowed secondary texts of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Volunteer State Civil War historiography.  A documentary sourcebook will make it easier for the public to gain understandings o­nly primary documents can reveal, and would be in synch with the American value of convenience.

Civil War history in Tennessee currently has a distinctive supporting role to play in the realm of tourism.  o­ne needs look no further than to the exclusive designation of the Volunteer State as the "Tennessee Civil War National Heritage Area."  It is unique in that it the o­nly Civil War heritage area in the nation and because it is the o­nly national heritage area that encompasses an entire state and is based o­n o­ne theme. The Heritage Area concept is, according to the Alliance of National Heritage Areas, meant to promote the conservation and celebration of "real places in America."  Moreover, the goals of the National Heritage Area Alliance include, but are not limited to, the promotion of education and interpretation, historic preservation, community revitalization, economic development, natural resource conservation, recreation enhancement, the arts, and folk life.  o­ne of the chief means to these ends is Civil War Heritage Tourism, especially in the o­nly Civil War Heritage Area in the nation.  It is precisely here that a documentary sourcebook for the Civil War in Tennessee can serve a public history function.  That is, it can facilitate the goals of the Alliance while serving to perpetuate the genuineness of the local, state, national and international tourists' experience.[67]  While the National Civil War Sites Advisory Commission identified 38 (1.4%) sites as significant in Tennessee, their designation says nothing of the remaining 2,739 (98.6%) examples, many of which are significant o­n the local and state and regional levels.  A documentary sourcebook compendium can offer accurate information about many of these clashes, data invaluable, for example, to stimulate research into the local past which could stimulate public history projects from National Register nominations, articles, books, to the erection of historical markers as in the case of the "Affair at Travisville."  Correspondingly, it could aid in transforming the clichéd concept of just what constitutes Tennessee's Civil War heritage.  And this resource has a singular characteristic in that it is based solely upon acknowledged primary sources, including information from contemporary newspapers, journals, correspondence, which compliment military reports and round out the contextual understanding of the war in Tennessee.  Offering the public a means to better understand the history behind the heritage and facilitate the tourists' experience can o­nly be a positive consequence of Tennessee's designation as the nation's o­nly Civil War Heritage Area.  It is a project worthy of the backing of the public history and tourism communities.

"The Civil War in Tennessee: New Perspectives o­n Familiar Materials," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, Vol. LXI, no. 2 (Summer 2003).


[1] Ibid.

[2] OR, Ser.  I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 506

[3] OR, Ser.  I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 530.  [See also: New York Times, 18 January, 1863 and Nashville Daily Press, 7 July, 1863.]

[4] Ibid., pp.,330, 337,424, 506, 530, 868; Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 120; Vol. 52, pt. I, p. 331; Ser. III, Vol. 2, p. 349. 

[5] TSLA, Records of East Tennessee, Civil War Records, Volume 3, Prepared by the Historical Records Survey Transcription Unit, Division of Women's and Professional Projects, Works Progress Administration, Mrs. John Trotwood Moore, State Librarian and Archivist, Sponsor, Nashville, Tennessee, The Historical Records Survey, June 1, 1939; February 16, 1863, Letter from Major-General Leonidas Polk, in Shelbyville, to his wife, Frances, at Ashwood [?] in Maury County, Vol. 3, pp. 38-39. [Hereinafter:  WPA Civil War Records, Vol. No. etc.]

[6] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. II, pp. 54-57.

[7] TSLA, Civil War Collection, Confederate Collection, entry for July 26, 1863.  [Hereinafter cited as War Journal of Lucy Virginia French].

[8] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 20, pt. II, pp. 426-427; TSLA, The Diary of Myra Adelaide Inman of Cleveland, Tennessee, During the War Between the States, 1860-1865, typewritten, s.n., 1940, p. 81 [hereinafter cited as Inman Diary]; Spence, Diary, p. 81; Nashville Daily Press, 11 May, 11 June, 9 July, 1863; Memphis Bulletin, 9 October, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 28 January, 1864; Memphis Bulletin, 4 March, 1864; Nashville Dispatch, 24, 30, March, 6, 7, 14, April 1864; Nashville Union, 29 March, 1864; Memphis Bulletin 2, July, 4 September, 1864; Memphis Bulletin, 12 January, 1865.

[9] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 20, pt. II, pp. 426-427; Diary of Myra Adelaide Inman, p.167-168; Spence, Diary, p. 81; Nashville Daily Press, 11 May, 11 June, 9 July, 1863: Memphis Bulletin, 9 October, 1863; 4 March, 2 July, 4 September, 1864; 12 January, 1865.  See also: James B. Jones, Jr., "A Tale of Two Cities: The Hidden Battle Against Venereal Disease in Civil War Nashville and Memphis, Civil War History, Vol. XXXI, No. 3, (1985), pp. 270-276.

[10] Jones, "A Tale of Two Cities," Civil War History, (1985), pp. 274-276.

[11] Spence, Diary, p. 78.

[12] OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 1, p. 298; Clarksville Chronicle, 16 August, 1861; Rebellion Record, Vol. 3. pp. 23-24; Memphis Commercial Appeal, 15 October, 1861; 10 November, 1861; Memphis Daily Appeal, 14 November, 1861, 17 April, 1862; Memphis Argus, May 27, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, November 25, 1862.

[13] Rebellion Record, Vol. 3, pp. 23-24; Commercial Appeal, 10 November, 1861; Memphis Daily Appeal, 14 November, 1861.

[14] As cited in the Nashville Dispatch, 3 October, 1863.  See also: John Watkins Collection, Letter of October 6, 1863University of Tennessee Library Special Collections Division.

[15] See for example: Memphis Appeal, 21 April, 1861; Clarksville Chronicle, 21 June, 1861; Rebellion Record, Vol. 1, p. 2; Nashville Daily Gazette, 4 September, 1861; Commercial Appeal, 18 October, 1861; Nashville Daily Gazette, 26, 27 October, 1861; The Vidette, 16 August, 1862; Memphis Union Appeal, 16 August, 1862; Spence, Diary, p. 78; Nashville Dispatch, 25 June, 1863; Memphis Bulletin, 20 September, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 3 October, 1863; Brownlow's Whig and Independent Journal and Rebel Ventilator, 9 January, 1864; Robert Cruikshank at Elk River to his wife, January 12, 1864, 6404; Diary of Myra Adelaide Inman, p. 239; Nashville Tennessean Magazine, March 24, 1957, p. 30.  See also: for further information regarding tobacco and Tennessee women.

[16] PAJ, Vol. 6, p. 45

[17] Memphis Daily Appeal, 6 April, 1862.

[18] OR, Ser. I, 24, pt. II, pp. 674-675.

[19] Memphis Union Appeal, 27 July, 1862; Nashville Dispatch, 1 May, 1864; Nashville Dispatch, 18, 26, August 1864; Memphis Bulletin, 12 June, 1863; 13 May, 18 August, 1864; See also: Robert Partin, "A Confederate Sergeant's Report to His Wife During the Campaign from Tullahoma to Dalton," Tennessee Historical Quaraterly Vol. XII, no. 4 (December 1953), p. 301

[20] OR, Ser. II, Vol. 7, p. 345.

[21] Apparently New York City was worth an oath.

[22] Dr. Carole Bucy "Patient Endurance and Patriotic Devotion: Experience and Memory of Nashville Women o­n the Home Front," presented at the 33d Annual Meeting of the Tennessee Conference of Historians at Tennessee Technical University o­n September 22, 2000.  Bucy is the Chair of the History Department at Volunteer Community College in Gallatin, Tennessee.

[23] Sarah Johnstone Estes's Diary, [University of North Carolina, Southern Historical Collection], entries for 14, 18, 20, 31 May, 12, 18, 19 June, 1862, [hereinafter cited as Estes Diary]; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 1, pp. 888-889; See also: OR, Ser. II, Vol. 1, pp. 883, 923-932; Ser. I, Vol. 1, pp. 884, 891, 930-931.

[24] Estes Diary, entry for June 18, 1862.

[25] War Journal of Lucy Virginia French, entry for February 15, 1863.

[26] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. I, pp. 525-526, pt. II, pp. 360-361.

[27] OR, Ser. II, Vol. 5, pp. 514-515, 943-944.  Fannie's mother, Mrs. Dolly Battle and her sister, Ms. Sallie Battle would also be arrested in March 1865 o­n charges of spying.  See: OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. I, p. 856.

[28] Poetry: Clarksville Chronicle, 24 May, 1861; Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, 6 July, 1861; Chattanooga Advertiser, 13 February, 1862; Memphis Union and Appeal, 10, August 1862; The Vidette, 16 August, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 6 November, 1862; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 12 February, 11 March, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 11 May, 1863; Memphis Bulletin, 4 October, 1863; Nashville Daily Press, 18 April, 1864; Chattanooga Daily Gazette, 3 June, 1865.

Prohibition: Memphis Appeal, 4 August, 1861; Nashville Union and American, 7 August, 1861; Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, 17 August, 14 September, 1861; Memphis Union Appeal 2 July, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 7, August 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 14 August, 1862; Nashville Dispatch 4 November, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 18, 20 September,1863; Nashville Dispatch, 2 October, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 28 January, 11 February, 20 March, 23 June, 1864; Nashville Daily Press, 18 April, 1864; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 10, pt. II, pp 297-298; Vol. 20, pt. II, pp. 72-73; Vol. 24, pt. III, p. 15

Presentations: Clarksville Chronicle, 10 May, 1861; Clarksville Chronicle, 10, 24 January, 7 February, 1862; Papers of General Milroy, pp. 497-498; West Tennessee Whig, 7 June, 1861; Nashville Daily Gazette, 3 September, 1861; Letter from H. T. Blevins to Captain N. J. Lillard relative to conditions in East Tennessee, Meigs County and strength of Confederate spirit, December 1, 1861, TSLA Civil War Collection, WPA Civil War Records, Vol. 2, pp. 169-170; Diary of Myra Adelaide Inman, entry for December 25, 1861.

Camp life:

Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 12, 22, 23 February, 5, 11, 12, 28 March, 1863; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. II, pp. 750-751; 773.


Memphis Commercial Appeal, 15 November, 1861; TSLA, Tennessee Frederick Bradford Papers Letter, Davidson Countian Edward Bradford, at Camp Trousdale (camp of instruction) to his father, Frederick in Tank, May 30, 1861; Chattanooga Daily Rebel, 5, 12 March, 1863; Nashville Dispatch, 6 March, 1863; Memphis Bulletin, 12 September, 1863; Nashville Daily Press, 5 November, 1863.

[29] Memphis Bulletin, 20 September, 1863.

[30] Naval OR, Ser. I, Vol. 22, pp. 799-800; OR, Ser. I, Vol. 7, p. 741, 748-749; .757; TSLA, WPA Civil War Records Letter from Henry Yarbrough, Big Bottom, Humphreys County, to his son-in-law, Christopher Corlew Cooke, of Montgomery County, December 27, 1861, Vol. 3, pp. 206-207.

[31] OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 2, pp. 916-918.

[32] OR, Ser. IV, Vol. 3, pp. 1050-1053.

[33] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, pp. 107, 183; Vol. 17, pt. II, pp. 169-172.

[34] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, pp. 244-245; Vol. 23, pt. II, p. 631; Vol. 31, pt. III, pp. 58, 366; Vol. 39, pt. II, p 440; Vol. 49, pt. I, pp. 13-15: Ser. II, Vol. 1, pp. 876-877, 911-912, 923-932; Vol. 4, pp. 290-291. 914; Vol. 5, pp. 57-58, 107, 156, 410-411, 821-822; Vol. 6, pp. 47, 890-891; Vol. 7, pp. 964-965, 1208-1209, 1229, 1176; Vol. 8, pp. 272-274; PAJ, Vol. 5, pp. 57-58; Rebellion Record, Vol. 6, p. 4; Memphis Daily Appeal, 9 April, 1862.

[35] Nashville Mayor R. B. Cheatham's April 24, 1861 proclamation banning vigilantism, TSLA Broadside Collection; OR, Ser. II, Vol. 4, pp. 497-498; New York Times, 28 July, 1862; Memphis Bulletin, 30 May, 1863.

[36] TSLA Broadside Collection.

[37] OR, Ser. II, Vol. I, p. 828.

[38] OR, Ser. II, Vol. I, pp. 889-890.

[39] OR, Ser. II, Vol. 4, pp. 497-498.

[40] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 7, pp. 720-721; Vol. 10, pt. I, pp. 19-21, 50, Vol. 10, pt. II, pp. 640-641; Ser. II, Vol. 1, pp. 851-852, 885-856; Vol. 2, p. 1423; Nashville Daily Gazette, 30 November, 1861; Daily Missouri Republican [St. Louis], 25 March, 1862, p. 1, c. 7, as cited in; PAJ, Vol. 5, pp. 244, 247-248, 253, 278-279. 379.

[41] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. I, pp. 153-156.

[42] OR, Ser. II, Vol. 1, p. 824

[43] OR, Ser. II, Vol. I, p. 825.

[44] OR, Ser. II, Vol. I, p. 826.

[45] Ibid.

[46] OR, Ser. II, Vol. 1, p. 827

[47] OR, Ser. II, Vol. 1, pp. 841-842.

[48] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16. pt. II, pp. 908-911.

[49] Ibid.

[50] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 16, pt. II, pp. 957-958.

[51] AN EAST TENNESSEAN, Secession; or, Prose in Rhyme, Philadelphia, 1863.

[52] PAJ, Vol. 5, pp. 435-437

[53] PAG, Vol. 5, pp. 443-444.

[54] OR, Ser. II, Vol. 5, p. 107.There is no record to positively indicate what happened to Marchbanks after February 1863.  o­ne source indicates he may have been released, although there is nothing in the OR, or The Papers of Andrew Johnson (Vol. 6, 1862-1864, pp. 669-370) nor the Biographical Directory of the Tennessee General Assembly, Vol. I, pp. 495-496.  The latter source indicates he died in Winchester and was buried there in 1867.

[55] PAJ, Vol. 5, pp. 253, 278,-279, 387, 487-489, 513-514, 516.

[56] New York Times, 28 July, 1862.

[57] Navy OR, Ser. I, Vol. 24, pp. 63-64.

[58] Memphis Bulletin, 23 August, 1864.

[59] Nashville Times, 15 August, 1864

[60] Nashville Dispatch, 17 July, 1864.  See also: Nashville Dispatch, July 16, 1864.

[61] OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 905

[62] Presently the work is over 3,700 pages and weighs over 56 pounds.

[63] Gerald J. Prokopowicz, All for the Regiment: The Army of the Ohio, 1861-1862, (Chapel Hill: 2001), p. 3.

[64] James W. Loewen, Lies Across America, What Our Historic Sites Got Wrong, (NY: 1999), p. 39.

[65] As cited in Ibid., p. 41

[66] Memphis Union Appeal, 7 August, 1862

[67] Alliance of National Heritage Areas' brochure, "Celebrating and Conserving Real Places in America;" William S. Nelligan "Civil War Heritage Tourism," Tennessee's Business, 8, (1997).  Nelligan has done a superlative job o­n this topic and should be consulted by anyone with interests in Civil War Heritage Tourism in Tennessee or elsewhere.

Note: "An interesting comment o­n class-consciousness is found in a letter from Confederate Lieutenant-General 'the Fighting Bishop' Leonidas Polk to his wife written in February 1863."





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James B. Jones, Jr.
Editor, The Courier
Tennessee Historical Commission
2941 Lebanon Rd.
Nashville, TN 37243-0442
615-532-1550 ext. 115
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