Friday, June 28, 2013

6/28/2013 Tennessee Civil War Notes

28, Tennessean Sam Tate, President of the Memphis to Charleston Railroad, to Robert Toombs, Confederate States Secretary of State, warning him about conditions in East Tennessee

June 28, 1861, Chattanooga

Honorable Robert Toombs


I came through East Tennessee yesterday. Saw some of our friends but many more of our enemies. There is truly great disaffection with those people. It is currently reported and believed that Johnson has made an arrangement at Cincinnati to send 10,000 guns into East Tennessee, and that they have actually been shipped through Kentucky to Nicholasville, and are to be hauled from there to near the Kentucky line and placed in the hands of Union men in Kentucky on the line to be conveyed to Union men in Tennessee. The openly proclaim that if the Legislature refuses to let them [i.e., East Tennessee] secede [from the state] they will resist to the death and call upon Lincoln for aid. Nelson, Brownlow, and Maynard are the leaders. If they were out of the way we would be rid of all trouble. That they will give us trouble I doubt not unless they are promptly dealt with. They rely on aid from Southeastern Kentucky and Lincoln. You must see Davis and get him to order Floyd down to about Cumberland Gap to intercept these arms if they attempt to cross into Virginia. Governor Harris has ordered one regiment to the various passes on our northern border, but the people here say they are not sufficient. A number of Union companies are forming and drilling daily in the disaffected districts for the avowed purpose of resistance. Let the Government look closely to this movement. Unless nipped in the bud it may become very troublesome.

OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. II, p. 116.




28, Major-General William T. Sherman on "Germantown, a dirty hole"

MOSCOW, June 28, 1862.


Your dispatch received....Had we not better clean Germantown, a dirty-hole? There is where was planned the cutting the wire and destruction of road. I am told they openly boast the Yankees shall never run a train over the road.

I am preparing a car for a 12-pounder howitzer.

W. T. SHERMAN, Maj.-Gen.

OR Ser. I, Vol. 17, pt. II, p. 44.




28, "The War in East Tennessee."

The Columbus (Ga.) Sun has an editorial reviewing the position of affairs in East Tennessee, which we copy, inasmuch as, in the whirl of stirring events near home, the more distant fields of operation have to some extent been lost sight of.

It is now quite evident that the enemies are about to put into execution their long threatened inroad upon East Tennessee. From the best information we can gather of the situation of affairs in that section, we take it that fighting will soon commence there in earnest. The Yankees already have possession of Sequatchie Valley, a productive and stock growing country, and a force of perhaps not less than 5,000 men in Powell's Valley, a portion of country said more important to an army in the way of provisions. But the great valleys of the Tennessee, Hiwassee, Holston, and French Broad rivers, are still in possession of our troops, and can, we have reason to hope, be held against almost any force that may assail them. We think it altogether probable that Cumberland[,] Wheeler's and Big Creek Gaps, will be evacuated, if indeed they have not been already, and that our forces will make a stand at Chattanooga, Kingston, and Bean's Station, in order to keep the enemy north of Walden's Ridge and the Clinch Mountains. This, we feel confident, can be done successfully with the force now under Gen. Smith's command, which cannot be less than 30,000 men. There are, besides this force, which is a low estimate, several efficient guerilla bands, among which that of the famous [John Hunt] Morgan is the most conspicuous. This line of defense, should it be adopted, will save to us about three fourths of the territory of East Tennessee, including Jonesborough, Greenville, Knoxville, Athens, Cleveland, Chattanooga, and the line of railroad from the latter place to the Virginia line.

The part of East Tennessee thus defended is one of the most productive and healthy regions of country in the Confederate States. It contains, even now, bacon, corn, and flour, in great abundance. Nearly every farmer has bacon to sell, and which can be fought at not exceeding twenty seven cents per pound. It is one of the finest wheat countries in the South, and we have it from good authority that the wheat crop in that section this year will fall but little short of the average crop in that section this year will fall but little short of the average crop, particularly in the upper counties, There is, perhaps, at this time, more hogs and cattle in the thirty one counties of East Tennessee than in the whole State of Georgia, and upon this account, should be defended at any cost.

Whit it is true that the majority of the voting population in East Tennessee is deeply tinged with toryism, it is equally true that some of the most staunch Southern men, and many of our ablest military leaders, are East Tennesseeans. There is one fact in connexion with this disloyal section not generally known. Nearly every man and boy capable of bearing arms, who were advocated to separate State action, are now in the Southern army, and although the conscription act is not in force there, they have joined for the war. In addition to this, there are, to our certain knowledge, not less than one third of the original "Union" men now in that section -  the ultras having joined Lincoln in Kentucky – many of the m ore moderate have changed their views since Lincoln's free negro policy was promulgated in November late; while the remainder, being too indolent and cowardly to take any part in the contest  of arms, are content to remain at home, cultivating their farms, and make something to support the army.

The Semi-Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, NC) June 28, 1862





In response to several inquiries, we state that applicants for appointment as Collectors of the Tax recently levied by the Congress of the Confederate States should address D.N. Kennedy, Chief Collector, Chattanooga

Chattanooga Daily Rebel, June 28, 1863.




28, Skirmish at Rover

NEAR CHRISTIANA, June 28, 1863. (Received 1.10 p. m.)

GEN.: I left Triune at 8 a. m. June 28. Struck the enemy's picket one-half mile south of Eagleville. Steady skirmishing until we arrived within one-half mile of Rover, and there I met the enemy in force; formed a line of battle, and drove them one-fourth of a mile beyond the town. Here they opened a battery of six guns. They had a regiment and a battalion of infantry to support them. I drove them back to their rifle-pits, within a mile of Unionville. We killed 27 horses that we counted, and, I think, killed and wounded an equal number of men. We slept on the ground that night, and the next morning moved to Versailles at sunrise; there received orders from Gen. Granger to move to Middleton and attack that place. We drove the enemy with a loss of from 50 to 60 horses. Many of them were left on the ground. I was compelled to burn part of the town. I drove the enemy 3 miles beyond the town, and then fell back in the direction of Gen. Stanley's camp. We did not lose more than 20 killed and wounded.


OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. I, p. 543.





We are thinking of ye brothers,

Of the struggle dark and deep,

Of the last day, sad and weary

That ye often have to keep

Of the toilsome march and ever

The cold and rugged bed.

And our head is bowed in sorrow.

We cannot taste our bread


We are weeping for ye, brothers,

Our injured, Dixie's friends-

Or your brave and gallant daring

Their more than life depends,

But our spirit sometimes falters,

With waiting for the day

Or redemption from these horrors,

And the tears will force their way


We are praying for ye, brothers,

the closet is our shrine-

We dare not lift our voices

Beneath he stranger's vine,

But God is ever nearer,

The poor and broken hearts,

And THIS DAY, with Dixie's daughters

We'll bear our humble part.


Bring PEACE, unto her borders

Oh! stay this bloody tide,

and bid her lift her drooping head

Once more in Freedom's pride,

And as we pass this Jordan

This doubtful, dark eclipse-

May we emerge in glory

With THY NAME upon our lips.

Written 1/27/1863 by "Estelle"

Chattanooga Daily Rebel, June 28, 1863.





28, "She wore a stout pair of No. 9 brogans, and her stockings and gloves were made of rabbit skins—fur side next to the flesh." A Confederate Martial Marriage at Bull's Gap

An Army Wedding.

There are very few soldiers who have been in the Western army who will not recognize in the following picture, drawn from the Montgomery Mail, a great similarity to many army weddings which he has seen. The marriage took place at Bull's Gap, Tenn:

["]An Alabama soldier, who to name would be too personal, but who is uglier than the renowned Suggs—in fact so far diseased with the chronic big ugly as to have failed procuring a furlough from Brig. Gen. Law solely on that ground—woed [sic] and won a buxom Tennessee maid of doubtful age. Whilst "Special" was out that day with his gun on a porcine scout for the purpose of reinforcing his haversack, he was interrupted in his reconnoissance [sic] by a husky voice emitting from a ten by fifteen pen inviting him to halt.

Entering the low door he found the wedding was on the tapis, en route to a happy termination. A mirthful Texan—not necessary to name—had a copy of the Army Regulations in his hand, and his throat was decorated with a piece of white bandage, such as is used by our army doctors—all ready to tie the hymenial [sic] knot [sic] so tight that it could not be undone by the teeth. The bridegroom stood largely over six honest feet in his socks, was as hairy as Esau, and pale, slim and lank.—His jacket and pants represented both of the contending parties at war. His socks were much the worse for wear, and his toes sticking out of the gaping rents thereof, reminded one of the many little heads of pelicans you observe protruding from the nest which forms the coat of arms of Louisiana. The exact color of his suit could not be given. Where the buttons had been lost off in the wear and tear of war, an unique substitute, in the shape of persimmon seed, was used. The bride had essayed to wash "Alabama's" clothes, while he modestly concealed his nudity behind a brush heap, awaiting there until they were dried.

The bride was enrobed in a clean but faded dress. Her necklace was composed of a string of chinquepins [sic], her brow was environed by a wreath of faded bonnet flowers, and her wavy hair was tucked up behind in the old fashioned way. She wore a stout pair of No. 9 brogans, and her stockings and gloves were made of rabbit skins—fur side next to the flesh. On her fingers were discerned several gutta percha and bone rings, presents at various times from her lover. She wore no hoops, for nature had given her such a form as to make crinoline of no use to her.

All being ready, the "Texas Parson" proceeded to his duty with becoming gravity. "Special" acted the part of waiter for both bride and groom. Opening the book afore mentioned, the quandam parson commenced, "Close up!" and the twain closed up. "Hand to your partner!" and the couple handed. "Atten ti-on to-o-r-ders!" and all attentioned. Then the following was read aloud: "By order of our directive General Braxton Bragg, I hereby solemnly pronounce you man and wife, for and during the war, and you shall cleave unto each until the war is over, and then apply to Governor Watts for a family right of public land in Pike, the former residence of the bridegroom, and you, and each of you, will assist to multiply and replenish the earth."

The ceremony wound up with a regular bear hug between the happy mortals, and we resumed our hog hunt, all the time "guffawing" at the stoic indifference manifested by the married parties on the picket line at Bull's Gap.

On our falling back from the gap we observed the happy couple perambulating with the column through the mud and snow, wearing an air of perfect indifference to observation or remark from the soldiery.—Should this soldier, who captured the maid of the gap, obtain a furlough for the purpose of locating in Pike, will not our friends of the Mail oblige them with an introduction to our gallant Governor Watts?

Richmond [VA] Whig, June 28, 1864. [1]




28, Canine Refugee in Chattanooga

A refugee dorg[2] -a magnificent animal, of the St. Bernard breed-may be seen at the office of the Refugee Relief Commission, where he will be sold for the benefit of the refugee fund, having been sent here from Smithland, Tennessee, by a gunboat officer, as a donation.

Chattanooga Daily Gazette, June 28, 1864. [3]




28, Removal of military authority from civil litigations in West Tennessee

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 71. HDQRS. DIST. OF WEST TENNESSEE, Memphis, Tenn., June 28, 1865.

No cause of dispute or litigation between civilians respecting property, and in which the United States Government or some person in its service is not a party concerned, will be adjudicated or in any manner entertained by any officer of this command.

By order of Bvt. Maj. Gen. John E. Smith:

W. H. MORGAN, Brevet Brig.-Gen. and Assistant Adjutant-Gen.

OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 1049.







[1] As cited in:

[2] A comically vernacular pronunciation of "dog."

[3] TSL&A, 19th CN.

James B. Jones, Jr.

Public Historian

Tennessee Historical Commission

2941 Lebanon Road

Nashville, TN  37214

(615)-532-1550  x115

(615)-532-1549  FAX


Thursday, June 27, 2013

6/27/2013 Tennessee Civil War Notes

27, 1861 -  The care of the indigent-insane Confederate soldier or his family members

CHAPTER 5, An Act for the benefit of Insane Members of the Families of Volunteers

Section 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That the wives or other members of the families of volunteers who are citizens of this State, and who have enlisted, or who may hereafter enlist in the service of the State, or of the Confederate States, who have been, or who may hereafter be placed in the Tennessee Asylum for the Insane, as pay patients, shall, during the time of their enlistment, or which such volunteers are in actual service, be supported by the State, upon the written certificate of the Chairman of the County Court from the county of residence of said volunteers, setting forth that he or they are unable, from indigent circumstances, to support such patient in the asylum.

Sec. 2 That any one of the Tennessee volunteers who may become deranged while in the service, and who has not the pecuniary means to enter the asylum as a pay patient, shall be received and treated as a pauper patient;

Provided, that nothing herein contained shall be so construed as to cause any of the present patients of the asylum to be discharged, in order to give place to any of the above patients, as provide in this act.

W. C. WHTTHORNE, Speaker of the House of Representatives

B. L. STOVAL, Speaker of the Senate

Passed June 27, 1861.

Public Acts of the State of Tennessee…April, 1861, pp. 34-35.[1]




27, 1862 -  A Chicago Times, Report on Women in the Bluff City

Female Secessionists.

The feminine portion [in Memphis] are especially bitter. They confine themselves to their houses, and seldom appear in the street, but, when they do so, it is impossible not to understand the prevalent feeling among them. Walking down Main street a day or two since, I saw a naval officer, one of the most unassuming and gentlemanly men in the service, passing in such a manner as to overtake three ladies. As he approached them, the outermost quickly stepped in front of her companions, making room for him to pass, at the same time sweeping her skirts away from him with a most ungraceful and dowdyish gesture. Being a man who has seen the world, his demeanor did not indicate that he saw the motion, and she was not honored with a glance even. A short distance further on she tried it again on a calm and imperturbable gentleman, who wore the army uniform, and was again rewarded with an entire absence of recognition, unless a slightly contemptuous movement of the corners of the mouth might have been called such. The only result of all these efforts was to attract the stare and coarse remarks of the street crowd, generally accorded to a different class of women.

Women of the Town.

Of the latter class I can only say that, if Memphis suffered any diminution in numbers when the rest of her citizens stampeded, she must have been supplied beyond any chances of dearth. The streets are conspicuous with their gaudy and flowing drapery, whose amplitude is only equaled by the breadth of misapplied maternal attractions. They promenade the streets in front of their residences, in evening costume, and walk to the corner bareheaded, arm and arm, to see what is going on out of doors; and the commonest thing in the world is to see one arrayed in the fleeciest and scantiest of magnificence, sailing down the main thoroughfares, preceded by a little negro girl in all the colors of the rainbow, to carry the parasol and other small equipments--the said small African being, as a general thing, a personal investment of several hundred dollars in cash. That is the style of advertising goods in this country....


Chicago Times, June 27, 1862.[2]



27, 1863 -  Voting early and often in the Memphis municipal election

Illegal Voting.

We referred yesterday to the large amount of illegal voting practiced all over the city, in the election of Mayor. "A Citizen of the Fourth ward," who was present at the election, sends us the following communication. He thinks that those who voted in that ward were legally qualified. We are free to say, that from all we have learned, the election in that ward was conducted in a fairer and more lawful manner than in some other places, and this is seen in the result wrought out. And yet, as our correspondent admits, illegal voters made an attempt to carry the election there as elsewhere. Hundreds of illegal voters – foreigners just landed here, with nothing but their oath of allegiance – tried to vote, and if the judges there had been as derelict as some of them were, they would have exercised the right of suffrage without let or hindrance. These same men, thus refused a vote because they had no right to vote, desired to compromise by voting only for general officers [sic], magnanimously proffering to pretermit the electing of Aldermen. But one of the judges of the election succeeded in making these fresh [sic] friends of misrule understand that they couldn't vote at all, and more, that they attempt to do so was illegal, and that if they attempted it again he would present their names before a grand jury for indictment! This quieted the persistent patriots, and they left, avowing their determination to vote elsewhere, where the officers were not so particular.

We cordially indorse what our correspondent says about the responsibility for illegal voting resting upon "the city authorities," who make this appointment of judges of election! The responsibility does not rest with them; but who believes that the primary object with them, under existing circumstances, was to prevent [sic] the lamentable disregard of the election law, which was everywhere so patent and shameless?

Editor Bulletin:

In your paper of yesterday, on the subject of illegal voting, you say that fraud was practices all over the city. Now, so far as the Fourth ward is concerned, allow me to suggest that you are probably in error, for in that ward only one hundred and thirteen votes were polled under the provision of this city charter, which makes it necessary that every voter shall be a citizen of the United States, a bon fide citizen of Memphis six months – and of the ward in which he offers to vote thirty days next preceding the election. It is true a good many did try to vote in the Fourth ward, by showing their oath of allegiance merely, allowed to vote early and often [emphasis added] in the other wards, as was probably the case, merely upon showing that paper, which did not entitle them to a vote at all, but faulty was with those who conducted the election, and who were sworn to hold it according to law; and the fault also lies with the city authorities in not appointing competent judges and clerks to hold the election according to law, as the charter requires.

Citizen of Fourth Ward.

Memphis Bulletin, June 27, 1863.




27, 1865 -  Circular No. 9, addressing "complaints arising from the new relations of the colored people with the owners of the soil, and praying for his authoritative action in the adjustment of the difficulties complained of." The new race interactions in West Tennessee



Memphis, Tenn., June 27, 1865.

The major-general commanding is daily in receipt of petitions from the people, which the reports of the various post commanders confirm setting forth complaints arising from the new relations of the colored people with the owners of the soil, and praying for his authoritative action in the adjustment of the difficulties complained of. Not alone are the freedmen responsible for the state of things which exists. The planters themselves, too reluctant to practically accept the passing away of slavery, do in numerous instances awaken and confirm that disaffection among the negroes [sic] which renders them so unfaithful and unreliable as employes. First of all, the people must acknowledge and act upon the full and permanent emancipation of the colored race. Without the cordial acceptance of this inevitable fact the military authorities can afford but partial relief to existing evils. Any other course of conduct, of the manifestation of a different spirit in dealing with the freedmen, will surely inflict upon them the punishment of their own willful blindness and injustice. The negro [sic] must be made to understand that the freedom proclaimed to him involved the care of his own support and that of his family, which he has never before known. The demands for labor are sufficient to afford employment for all able-bodied freedmen, and such will be compelled to work for the means of living. They are free to make their own contracts, and they will be fully protected in all their rights under them, but they will be compelled to the honest and faithful performance of such contracts when made. Negroes from the country will not be permitted to visit the military posts without a pass from their employer, and those unemployed must remain where the means of employment exist, namely, among the fields. Post commanders are authorized and instructed to enforce as far as practicable the principles and requirements herein contained, and they will, until the establishment and location of officers connected with the Freedmen's Bureau have removed the necessity of such interposition, compel the freedmen to the performance of all fair and equitable contracts with their employers, whenever it is apparent that there has been no oppression or unjust treatment toward the employe, and no compulsory action will be used until a full investigation has determined the rights of the particular case.

By order of Bvt. Maj. Gen. John E. Smith:

W. H. MORGAN, Brevet Brig.-Gen. and Assistant Adjutant-Gen.

OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, pp. 1043-1044.


[1] Public Acts of the State of Tennessee, passed at the extra session of the Thirty-third General Assembly, April, 1861, (Nashville: J. G. Griffith & Co.: 1861.)

[2] As cited in:

James B. Jones, Jr.

Public Historian

Tennessee Historical Commission

2941 Lebanon Road

Nashville, TN  37214

(615)-532-1550  x115

(615)-532-1549  FAX


Wednesday, June 26, 2013

6/26/13 Tennessee Civil War Notes

26, Correspondence from a "Union Man" to Military Governor Andrew relative to conditions at the Insane Asylum

[Nashville] June 26, 1862

State of things at the insane asylum [sic]

this time last summer I heard doctor and Mrs. Cheatham [Superintendent of the Asylum] and old man ready say that King harries[1] [sic] mist it by letting Andy [sic] Johnson the treat or [sic] go that he should be hung-- now sir them very people have sent some three large chests to town one to cheat hams [sic] warehouse [sic] the other two to Parishes warehouse [sic] I am not certain what is in them but there are a grate many here that the[y] have just packed I am told that two contain ladies [sic] bolts of dry goods bedding [sic] carpeting and so he has keep about, 3000 Pads of rebel bacon that was stored here the time rebels run a way likewise 12 steers a large quantity of lard you can find out if he has charged them to the state of not he keeps 12 hors [sic] here the most of them is blood stock he raids [sic] the most of them here he did get 2 carriage horses from is brother in the rebel army he did keep until lately a seamstress with 4 children to sew for his lady and the ready family [sic] bill cheat ham the gambler is out here he was the first in Nashville [sic] to raise a company the[y] caulk [sic] the cheat he [sic] rifles he stays out of the way here boarding at the doctors No. 1 Table the family the[y] think the[y] are above all others there is knotting is cared for here but the one table and the patients [sic] can have knothing [sic] only the one thing all the time and I am told he dus [sic] not goe [sic] in to som [sic] of the wards in months there is three cooking departments here one for the ladys [sic] the other for the gents the other for the superior negroes [sic] that cooks the[y] can just do as the[y please] in tow of them I have not seen in four years the steward the docter [sic] or Mrs. Chetham eather [sic] to order or see what the pachents [sic] got The thrustees [sic] dus [sic] not know any thing about this it is time that it was known to them and the public at largae [sic] so as to make a change for the benefit of the poor inmates the steward keeps the books he is the man to keep until he lets the cat out of the bag the docter [sic] has been one of the fourth or fifth on the rebels list in the gazette and ever since he has devoted all his time to help it

from a Union Man

Papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 5, pp. 507-508.






We give elsewhere the returns of the municipal election yesterday, as far as received up to a late hour last night. It will be seen that the returns in the First and Seventh wards are yet to be made.

There never was a greater farce of an election in Memphis. Notwithstanding the publication of the regulations by the sheriff there never was such a shameless disregard of all law and precedent. Men who had landed at our wharf within a few days past, were brought up by the ignorant and unprincipled faction who wish to perpetuate their ruinous sway, and made to vote in favor of their persecuted friend! Nor were they satisfied with one [sic] vote. Some of them, we learn, offered to vote as many as six times. There were great irregularities in the voting in all the wards, but the First and Seventh overtopped all in contempt for everything like a pure elective franchise. We shall not trust ourselves to speak, at the present time, of the corruption, bribery and illegal trafficking in votes, which formed so prominent and shameless a part of yesterday's transactions. We have reason to know the election will be contested and that hones and patriotic citizens, who are trying to promote the best interests of the city and the cause, by the election of sober and competent officials, will never submit to be overcome at the polls by a gang of unprincipled adventurers, who have nothing to lose in any event, and whose highest aim seems to be to pull down everything and everybody to their own mean level. If anything like a scanning of the polls should be had – and we presume there will be, if only to punish the guilty parties – it will be found that perhaps one-half of the vote polled in some of the wards was illegal, and that our city has thus again been most seriously compromised.

We regret to learn that but few of the portion of our citizens who had recently become enfranchised by taking the oath, either failed or refused to participate in the election, while those that did thought it was a good way to cast odium upon the election by throwing their votes in favor of [the incumbent mayor John] Park, who they utterly reprobated, except as a means of perpetrating what they regard as a joke. It seems to us that those who thus voted could have had no proper conception of the gravity of the occasion, and are deserving of the severest censure.

But, in the midst of many adverse circumstances, it is pleasant to reflect that the real honest, intelligent, reflecting Union men of Memphis have to a man rallied to the support of good men for office and while their voice has been drowned in the "sweet Irish brogue" which for the time being rules and ruins our fair city, we have already the assurance of a "better time coming," when the laws shall be enforced and obeyed – when those who now seek to govern us by corrupting the ballot-box – will be as impotent for evil as they are now powerless for good; and when men shall be elected as our Mayor worthy of the respect and confidence, not of Tennessee only, but of the nations at large. For a consummation so devoutly to be wished, let all true Union men learn to labor and to wait.

Memphis Bulletin, June 26, 1863.[2]

[1] Confederate Governor Isham G. Harris.

[2] It seems the political machine of Memphis was impervious to the Civil War raging all about it. The corrupt means employed to reelect John Park mayor of the city, aside from similarities it may have had with the Tammany Hall machine in New York City, might likewise be seen as an act of local secessionist resistance to the Federal forces occupying Memphis.

James B. Jones, Jr.

Public Historian

Tennessee Historical Commission

2941 Lebanon Road

Nashville, TN  37214

(615)-532-1550  x115

(615)-532-1549  FAX


Tuesday, June 25, 2013

6/25/2013 Tennessee Civil War Notes

25, "The Times, June 25, 1862" in Murfreesboro and environs, excerpt from the diary of John C. Spence

By June of 1862, things have the appearance of quietness about this portion of the country. The cavalry are keeping up the appearance of watchfulness on their part. Detachments are sent out in all direction [sic] every day. They don't appear to accomplish much in the way of capturing "Secesh." [sic]

At one thing they are good. When they return at evening, they have a string of prisoners dangling to the saddle strings which has been captured during the day from the old women.

These were of the non combattants [sic] and were known and believed [by the local population] not to be spies [sic]. None ever went into the camps unless they were pressed. But, for reasons, charges were prefered [sic] against them, and they had to go-to with-Chickens, Turkeys, and Pigs. In all cases, a drum head court marshal is held in every instance. [sic] They are executed. Cruel soldiers!

Spence Diary.





25, "Supplies for the People."

In Savannah, Atlanta, Columbus, and other places, stores for the sale of necessities have been opened up by public spirited individuals, having for their object the furnishing of such articles as are indispensably necessary, at cost; [sic] thus protecting the people against the wicked, crushing burdens being placed upon them by extortioners. In Winchester, as we learn by the following card from the Bulletin, a similar plan has been adopted. The purpose aimed at is commendable in the highest degree, and will receive the plaudits of the patriotic portion of every community. Have we no men of means hereabouts, who will establish the same kind of house in Fayetteville? [sic] An effort in that direction would place its projectors at the head of the list in point of character in the estimation of the people and army. Who will undertake it? We are willing to print all the advertising for the enterprise, free of charge. [sic] Here is the card above referred to:

Winchester, Te. [sic], June 15, 1863.

EDITOR BULLETIN: - Permit me to state, through your paper, that in a few days the association formed in this county to relieve the people, as far as possible, from the evils of enormous speculation, will have on hand for sale, at cost, [sic] about 100 sacks of salt. Permit me further to say, for the fact ought to be know and is worthy of emulation, that the people are indebted to Messrs. B. F. McGhee, Tilman Arlegde, and A. R. David for the benefits they will thus obtain. These gentlemen had brought the salt and were immediately offered a profit on it which would have amounted to $1,500, and, indeed, a sale of the salt at the present prices, in this town would have made them three thousand dollars, but upon these gentlemen being assured that a few of our citizens were making an earnest effort, upon a plan deemed feasible, to get up a store of necessaries (for the benefit of the county) to be sold at cost, they at once turned this salt over to the agent of this association at cost, [sic] and the salt will be sold at cost.

Such acts ought to be examples for others. They are certainly worthy of imitation.

Very truly,

A. S. Colyar[1]

Fayetteville Observer, June 25, 1863.





25, "Root Hog or Die."

On Line street, in the vicinity of College street, there perambulates a large and hungry-looking specimen of the genus porcine, feminine gender. In the same locality lives a feminine negro [sic], the maternal ancestor of sundry little nigs [sic], who amuse themselves by playing on the street. Yesterday the party of the first party took a fancy to the rear part of the smallest specimen of the party of the second part. The little nig [sic] was pushed down-the hog seized him and ran, mother, children and friends running, following in the chase. Away they go, the hog holding on to the little nigger [sic], and the excitement running high, until at length a white man seized an axe with which he gave the hog a terrible blow upon the head. A grunt of pain followed, and the little nig [sic] fell, his anxious mother picking him up, and washing his dirty face with tears of joy at his deliverance from the jaws of the enemy.

Nashville Dispatch, June 25, 1864.


[1] Perhaps Colyar's generosity was prompted by his aspiration to be elected to the Confederate Congress.

James B. Jones, Jr.

Public Historian

Tennessee Historical Commission

2941 Lebanon Road

Nashville, TN  37214

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Monday, June 24, 2013

6/24/2013 Tennessee Civil War Notes

24, Report on the desecration of Federal graves in Franklin

Camp Maynard, Near Nashville, June 24, 1862.

Editor of the Union: The communication of S. P. Hildreth,[1] of Franklin, on the subject of the desecration of the graves of Union soldiers, in the cemetery of that place, published in our issue of the 21st inst., imposes upon me the unpleasant duty of saying something on that subject. It would, perhaps, have been as well to have let the matter pass into oblivion; but, as Mr. H., who was in no wise implicated, has paraded himself, or allowed others to present him before the public as the champion of the offending parties, has revived it in such a manner as to cast reflections upon my veracity, a full disclosure of the facts must be made.

Never having seen the comments of the Louisville Journal, I can give no opinion of their justice.

On the 1st of May, in obedience to an order from General Dumont, I stationed detachments of the 69th Regt., O. V. I., at five different points on the line between Nashville and Columbia, and established my headquarters in a grove near Franklin. On the 9th of that month my Sergeant major, who is a gentleman of unimpeached character for truth, and whose statement is annexed, reported to me that the graves of Union soldiers had been rudely trampled upon and desecrated. I immediately ordered him to detail a sufficient number of men for the purpose, and dress up and sod the graves, which order he reported to me on the next day he had executed. On the same day I learned through another source, which I know is entirely reliable, that females were seen in the cemetery ornamenting the graves of rebel soldiers with beautiful shells and flowers, and at the same time dancing or playing merrily around and over the mortal remains of Union soldiers. This information naturally excited my indignation—my wrath.

On Saturday, the 10th, with a view to the safety of my command and a more efficient discharge of its duties, I marched my men into the town, took possession of the Court-house, unfurled the old flag, and made my headquarters there. In the evening I addressed the citizens in the Court room, briefly informing them what I purposed doing and what I expected them to do. I referred, perhaps with some severity, to the conduct of the females and the desecration of the graves as a damning disgrace to any community upon whom the light of civilization had dawned. I emphatically notified them that a recurrence of such a breach of propriety should not take place, and that we would consider it quite as honorable to shed our blood in defending the sanctity of the grave of the humblest Union soldier as in upholding our flag on the field of battle.

The next morning Mr. McEwen, who pretends to be Mayor of Franklin, called on me and stated that he and others had just been out to see the graves, and they found no evidences that they had been disturbed. Mr. Hildreth says that he and hundreds of others likewise went to see if my statements were true, and found that not a single grave had been trod on, thus presenting me, Mr. Editor, before your readers and the public as the defamer of the reputations of the good women of Franklin. That these gentlemen found the graves in good condition on Sunday morning is quite true, because it was on the day before that Sergeant-Major Halstead and the men detailed, had dressed them up, and it was on the previous Friday that the misconduct of the female was witnessed. The names of the offending parties were furnished me, but as they were "indiscreet misses in their teens," and daughters of respectable parents, I did not disclose them.

Mr. Hildreth never exchanged words with me on the subject, and as he professed to be a loyal Union man, I am unable to shield the guilty parties from the just odium which attaches to their behavior by perverting the facts and falsely representing me as the assailant of female character. He also charges that I promised to visit the graves, "but never went." This I pronounce a palpable lie, whether it emanated from the Mayor or Mr. Hildreth; and I use the epithet with a full understanding of the responsibilities which the "fire-eating chivalry of Dixie" attach to it. I did visit the graves often whilst stationed at Franklin—attended the burials of my unfortunate men who were stricken with disease and death, as the troops stationed there will bear testimony.

It is with no degree of pleasure that I feel constrained to expose the improprieties of women, but as Mr. Hildreth and others whose mouth-piece he had been made, have sought to cover up the grossest improprieties at the expense of my character for truth, the exposure must be made. It is proper, however, to say that it would be most unjust to hold all the secessionists of Franklin responsible for the misconduct. Many of them, I know, would heartily condemn it.

The effort of Mr. Hildreth to create the impression that there was no bitterness of feeling exhibited by the females of Franklin toward the Union soldiers is simply ridiculous. It was notorious that, with few exceptions, they demonstrated the most intense hatred and contempt towards all who were in favor of the Union. Some were exceedingly kind, especially to the sick, but all with perhaps the single exception of Mrs. John Marshall, (whose benevolence will be gratefully remembered,) were outspoken Union ladies.

Lewis D. Campbell, Col. 69th Reg't O. V. I.

On the 9th day of May last, when the 69th Regiment was encamped near Franklin, I was in town and walked out to the graveyard where some Union and some Secesh soldiers have been buried. The graves of the Secesh soldiers were finely decorated, boquettes [sic] were strewn upon them, and young ladies were standing near conversing about "their graves." The graves of the Union soldiers had never been beautified in any way, on the contrary, stakes were pierced in them (one had four stakes stuck in the top and sides) and brickbats and stones were thrown upon them in such manner that their sharp, angular outlines protruded and looked ugly. The stakes were part of old fence rails with but two or three exceptions, and were from two to three feet in length. I there and then pulled them up and threw them in the road. I then cleared up the brickbats and stones, and threw them in the road and smoothed up the desecrated graves. I then repaired to camp and reported the facts to Colo. Campbell. He directed that I should detail men next morning to fix up, and sod the graves. The next morning, May 10th, the graves were rounded up and put in condition for sodding (two men then sodded over) and that same night, Col. Campbell, informed the citizens publicly, that such outrages should not be again committed with impunity.

Benton Halstead, Sertg. Maj. 69th Regiment.

Nashville Daily Union, June 25, 1862.



[1] See Nashville Daily Union, June 22, 1862.

James B. Jones, Jr.

Public Historian

Tennessee Historical Commission

2941 Lebanon Road

Nashville, TN  37214

(615)-532-1550  x115

(615)-532-1549  FAX


Friday, June 21, 2013

6/21/2013 Tennessee Civil War Notes (first day of summer)

21, Excerpt from the report of the movements of the 7th Louisiana Regiment through Chattanooga to Knoxville; "…anything but a hospitable reception."

….The route beyond Chattanooga our troops had been fired upon by some of the disaffected in Eastern Tennessee. Powder and ball were distributed among the soldiers…to be prepared for any emergency. At Chattanooga we me with anything but a hospitable reception. True, it was the Sabbath, yet the hotel, and almost every place else in the town refused to sell or furnish us with anything in the eatable and drinking line. Even water was refused. We found the place highly tinctured with abolitionists. The keeper of the railroad hotel, by name Crutchfield, is, as we are informed, very hostile to the Confederate troops, and it was with difficulty that our men were prevented from cleaning out the town. From Chattanooga to this place [Knoxville] we found all the dangerous points on the railroad protected and guarded by an armed force….No Union flags are now displayed in Knoxville….

The [Louisiana] Tigers preceded us and left their marks in almost every place.  Even in this town they amused themselves by greasing and feathering and riding on a rail an unconscionable nonseparatist who refused to sell…anything to them and I find in my stroll through the town their course was highly approved of….

New Orleans Picayune, June 21, 1861





21, Excerpt from a letter to Andrew Johnson from Absalom H. Markland relative to Union loyalty in Memphis

Post-office, Memphis Tenne.

June 21st 1862

Memphis is beginning to assume a healthy, loyal appearance -- business is reviving and the people look more cheerful. Everything is encouraging to the lovers of law and order....A little nerve and bone liniment freely administered to some rampant individuals & West Tennessee is fully redeemed....

[Provost Marshal] Colonel [James R.] Slack who is in command of the city know how, and when, to turn the screws so as to make loyalty set will on the unruly....

Papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 5, pp. 494-495.





21, "I do say I never imagined people could live so." A class conscious Confederate aristocrat visits mountain folk near Beersheba Springs

* * * *

Yesterday we rode out to see some of the "mountain people." I do say I never imagined people could live so. One house was clean – but everything seemed to be dropped just where they were done using it, and left there until they wanted to use it again. Somehow I never conceived of anything so wholly untidy and uncomfortable….Mrs. Armfield said these people were the "aristocracy" of the mountain and she took me to see them as a curiosity. The strangest thing to me was that they showed not the slightest embarrassment, but appeared to think themselves all right, and just a good as anybody living. At Walker's we found a young soldier home on furlough and it was astonishing to see how the service had improved him, and how much better he appeared than his surroundings.

War Journal of Lucy Virginia French, June 22, 1863.



21, Bushwhackers vs. Brigadier General E. L. Paine in Middle Tennessee

Brig.-Gen. E. L. Paine is settling the bushwhackers who have been unsettling Middle Tennessee so long, had having killed about 75 last week. He had nine shot on the public square in Lynchburg, Lincoln county, and several in Fayetteville. Among the number that had been killed was one Massey, who is said is a Brigadier-General C. S. A. He superintended all the guerrilla operations in Middle Tennessee. General Paine told the citizens if they wanted to fight the Government to go and join the rebel army under Joe Johnston. He further told them if they staid inside the Federal lines they might think secesh, feel secesh, die hating the government, and go to h__l hating it, but they should neither talk treason nor act it. If they did, he told them he would make them houseless, homeless and lifeless, as he had determined to kill every bushwhacker that he caught. The 5th, 10th and 12th Tennessee cavalry were with Gen. Paine, and did the handsome for the bushwhacking rebs. The 5th still remember the "calf killer" massacre[1], and are avenging it terribly.

Chattanooga Daily Gazette, June 21, 1864. [2]

[1] On the 22nd of February 1864, Captain John M. Hughs, Twenty-fifth Tennessee Infantry (C. S. A.) "met a party of 'picked men' from the Fifth Tennessee (Yankee) Cavalry, under Capt. Exum [on Calf Killer Creek]." The 5th cavalry, according to Hughs' report, had earlier "refused to treat us as prisoners of war, and had murdered several of our men whom they had caught straGALEGROUP - TSLA 19TH CN  ling from their command." The fight at the Calfkiller creek was a desperate one, the Confederates being greatly outnumbered 110 to 60. According to Hughs, the "fighting on our part was severe in the extreme; men never fought with more desperation or gallantry. Forty-seven of the enemy were killed, 13 wounded, and 4 captured; our loss was 2 wounded." Hughs was a recruiter for the Confederate army and found himself cut off from the 25th.OR, Ser. I, Vol. 32, pt. I, pp. 55-57. This was apparently the "calf killer" massacre. Hughs' forces were not regular army troops, but local men under his command. The 5th evidently killed without delay anyone they chose to identify as a bushwhacker, seeking revenge for the "calf killer" massacre.

[2] TSL&A, 19th CN.

James B. Jones, Jr.

Public Historian

Tennessee Historical Commission

2941 Lebanon Road

Nashville, TN  37214

(615)-532-1550  x115

(615)-532-1549  FAX


Thursday, June 20, 2013

6/20/2013 Tennessee Civil War Notes

20, 1861 - East Tennessee Unionist resolutions to secede from Tennessee and remain in the Union

KNOXVILLE, TENN., June 20, 1861.


The undersigned memorialists, in behalf of the people of East Tennessee, beg leave respectfully to show that at a convention of delegates holden [sic] at Greeneville on the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th days of June instant, in which was represented every county of East Tennessee, except the county of Rhea, it was.

Resolved, First. "That we do earnestly desire the restoration of peace to our whole country, and most especially that our own section of the State of Tennessee shall not be involved in civil war."

Second. "That the action of the State Legislature in passing the so called 'declaration of independence' and in forming the 'military league' with the Confederate States and in adopting other acts looking to a separation of Tennessee from the Government of the United States, is unconstitutional and illegal, and therefore not binding upon us as loyal citizens."

Third. And it was further resolved, "That in order to avert a conflict with our brethren in other parts of the State and desiring that every constitutional means shall be resorted to for the preservation of peace, we do therefore constitute and appoint O. P. Temple, of Knox; John Netherland, of Hawkins, and James P. McDowell, of Greene, commissioners, whose duty it shall be to prepare a memorial and cause the same to be presented to the Gen. Assembly of Tennessee, now in session, asking its consent that the counties composing East Tennessee and such other counties in Middle Tennessee as desire to co-operate with them, may form and erect a separate State."

The idea of a separate political existence is not a recent one, but it is not deemed necessary here to re-state the geographical, social, economical, and industrial reasons which have often been urged in support of it. The reason which operated upon the convention and seemed to them conclusive was the action of the two sections respectively at the election held on the 8th instant to determine the future national relations of the State. In that election the people of East Tennessee, by a majority of nearly 20,000 votes, decided to adhere to the Federal Union, established prior to the American Revolution, and to which Tennessee was admitted in the year 1796; while the rest of the State is reported to have decided by a majority approaching even more nearly to unanimity to leave the Federal Union and to join the body politic recently formed under name of the Confederate States of America. The same diversity of sentiment was exhibited, but less distinctly, at the election on the 9th of February last, when the people of East Tennessee decided by a heavy majority against holding a convention to discuss and determine our Federal relations, overcoming by nearly 14,000 the majority in the rest of the State in favor of such a convention. This hopeless and irreconcilable difference of opinion and purpose leaves no alternative but a separation of the two sections of the State, for it is not to be presumed that either would for a moment think of subjugating the other, or of coercing it into a political condition repugnant alike to its interest and to its honor. Certainly the people of East Tennessee entertain no such purpose toward the rest of the State; and the avowals of their western brethren in connection with their recent political action have been too numerous and explicit to leave us in any doubt as to their views. It remains, therefore, that measures be adopted to effect a separation amicably, honorably, and magnanimously, by a settlement of boundaries so as to divide East Tennessee and any contiguous counties or districts which may desire to adhere to her from the rest of the State, and by a fair, just, and equitable division of the public property and the common liabilities. It has occurred to the undersigned as the best method of accomplishing this most desirable end that your body should take immediate action in the premises by giving a formal assent to the proposed separation, pursuant to the provisions of Section 3, Article 4, of the Constitution of the United States, and by convoking a convention representing the sovereign power of the people of the respective divisions of Tennessee, with plenary authority to so amend the constitution of the State as to carry into effect the change contemplated. With a view to such action, or to action leading to the same result, the undersigned ask permission to confer with your body, either in general session or through a committee appointed for this purpose, so as to consider and determine the details more satisfactorily than could otherwise be done.

Awaiting a response to this memorial, the undersigned beg to add assurances of every endeavor on their part not only to preserve the peaceful relations heretofore subsisting between the people in the two portions of the State, but to remove as far as possible all causes of disturbance in the future, so that each may be left free to follow its chosen path of prosperity and honor, unembarrassed by any collision with the other.




OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. I, pp. 178-179.





20, 1862 -  Loyalty and ice in Memphis


The Herald of the 20th of June contains three columns of revelations upon the encouraging developments of "Loyalty" to Lincoln in Memphis, and states that citizens are rebel soldiers are coming to "take the oath"  at the rate of 350 per day. What is strange, however, unlike Lincoln, Seward, and Gen. Scott, they do not take it with ice. Notwithstanding there is a great abundance of ice in Memphis. All these columns of brags are wound up with the following extract from the Memphis Argus:

The Demand For Ice.-Never since Memphis attained the dimension of a city has as little demand existed for ice at present. Some of our dealers in the article have full warehouses, and their daily  sales amount to comparatively nothing. One dealer informs us that although at this time last year his sales amounted daily to between and twenty tons, now the scarcely reach a ton. Ice is receiving the cold shoulder this season.

Think of that! With a Federal army in Memphis to aid the consumption. Is it not too plain to be misunderstood, that such is the popular detestation of the Lincolnites in Memphis that the people drink warm river water, rather than cool it with ice brought Northern invaders!

Macon Daily Telegraph, July 1, 1862




20, 1863 - Skirmish at Knoxville

KNOXVILLE, June 20, 1863. The enemy attacked us with five regiments mounted infantry and two pieces of rifle artillery last night. This morning we drove him back, and he will try to escape via Rogersville through Big Creek, Moccasin or Mulberry Gap, attempting to destroy bridges at Strawberry Plains before leaving. Your Fifty-first [Fifty-fourth] Virginia has been ordered to that point. Gen. Buckner left for Clinton yesterday.

V. SHELIHA, Chief of Staff.


Report of Lieut. Col. Milton A. Haynes, C. S. Artillery.

DEPARTMENT OF EAST TENNESSEE, Knoxville, June 21, 1863.

SIR: At the request of Col. [R. C.] Trigg, temporarily in command of the troops at Knoxville in the absence of Maj.-Gen. Buckner, I have the honor to report the following particulars in regard to the battle of yesterday:

On the 18th instant I returned to this City from Sevier [County], where I had been in command of an expedition against a party of bushwhackers. On my arrival, I learned that Maj.-Gen. Buckner had marched toward Big Creek Gap with all the artillery and all the other disposable force at this post, except Col. Trigg's Fifty-first [Fifty-fourth] Virginia Regt. [sic] and Col. [J. J.] Finley's Seventh [Sixth] Florida Regt. [sic]; effective force about 1,000 men.

On the morning of the 19th, I was informed by Maj. Van Sheliha, acting chief of staff, that the enemy in large force had passed by Loudon, and were at Lenoir Station, 24 miles from Knoxville, and he requested me to take charge of the artillery defense of the City, and to organize my force from the convalescents in the hospitals and from citizens to man my guns then in the City. At the same time he gave the following order:


Maj. [S. H.] Reynolds, chief of ordnance, will issue to Lieut.-Col. Haynes' corps artillery, C. S. Army, as many field pieces as can possibly but in condition with a few hours. He will also furnish Lieut.-Col. Haynes with all the necessary equipments, and with 100 rounds of ammunition.

By order of Maj.-Gen. Buckner:

VON SHELIHA, Chief of Staff.

In obedience to this order (given to me in absence of Gen. Buckner), I went to the ordnance department and found eight pieces of field artillery there, but no harness. Maj. Reynolds promptly said that in one hour he would have the ammunition-chests filled, and that they would then be subject to my orders. I then went to Maj. [J.] Glover, chief quartermaster of East Tennessee, and requested him to send to the ordnance department 70 horses or mules, with harness and drivers for every two.

In the mean time the citizens of Knoxville had been ordered to report to me or to Col. [E. D.] Blake for duty the defense of the City Finding myself too much engaged to obey this order in person, I appointed Maj. H. Baker (formerly of the artillery of Tennessee) to receive and assign them to duty as they reported. At 3 [o'clock] in the afternoon of that day [19th] it was known that the enemy was within 5 miles of the City, and their advance were skirmishing with 37 of our cavalrymen (all we had at Knoxville) at Mrs. Lomis' house. At this hour Maj. Glover had already sent the requisite number of horses, mules, and drivers for the eight pieces of artillery at the ordnance department. I immediately posted them in sections at College Hill, under Maj. Baker (the exposed point); second, on McGee's Hill, under Capt. Hugh L. W. McClung, and, third, under Lieut. Patterson and Lieut. J. J. Burroughs, at Summit Hill, in front of the ordnance department. This last battery had been fortified during the afternoon, under the superintendence of Capt. [W. F.] Foster, of the Engineers (by my order), with a cotton-bale revetment, the cotton bales having been promptly sent from all quarters by Maj. Glover, chief quartermaster. During that evening, the enemy failing to advance, Col. Trigg (temporarily in command at Knoxville), without consulting, me removed Maj. Baker's battery from College Hill to a point near the asylum hospital. In the evening, upon hearing the reports of my officers, I ascertained that about 200 persons, citizens, and convalescent soldiers from hospitals, had reported for duty, and that each of my batteries was fully manned, although in the morning of the same day there was no artillery force whatever in the City.

During the night [19th] I made a reconnaissance, passing the enemy's lines as a farmer, giving all the information they desired in regard to the state of the defenses, telling them that they could march into Knoxville without the loss of a man. I told them that I saw Col. Haynes about sunset, moving some cannon toward the depot-I thought about four in all-drawn by mules. Having passed to a point at which it was necessary for me to turn off, and having all the information I could obtain, I returned to Knoxville at midnight. [19th] I visited all my batteries, and advised them that early in the morning the enemy would attack, and directed Capt. McClung and Maj. Baker to consider themselves as reserves, to be moved wherever needed.

During the night [19th-20th] the pickets of the enemy advanced upon the City, but our pickets, thrown out by Col. Trigg, after an hour's skirmish, drove them back at about 2 o'clock in the morning. [20th]

At 7 o'clock on the 20th four pieces of artillery, detached by Gen. Buckner from his command, reached the ordnance depot (where I then was), and I immediately conducted them to the rear as a reserve. I then went to Summit Hill battery, where I found Col. Trigg and his chief of staff (Maj. Sheliha) near the hospital. While in consultation with them, we saw the enemy marching at double-quick time on our right beyond the work-shops, where we had neither battery nor soldiers to oppose them. Col. Trigg soon afterward ordered Col. Finley's Seventh [Sixth] Regt. [sic] Florida Volunteers and two pieces of [B. F.] Wyly's battery to take possession of Temperance Hill; but before this order was given I had taken a section of Wyly's battery and moved them at a gallop to a point immediately in front of the advancing column, and opened fire upon them with spherical case. The enemy took shelter behind houses and fences, and threw forward sharpshooters within 200 yards of our battery, we being entirely unsupported by infantry and 400 yards from any support. At the same time a battery of 3-inch rifled guns belonging to the enemy opened upon us at 800 yards, and during the first two or three shots killed and wounded some of our men and several horses. I then advanced the battery, and ordered them not to fire at the artillery, but at the infantry. The enemy at this moment forming column, advanced rapidly, and for a moment I supposed the day was lost. At this moment the chief of the 12th howitzer said to me, "Col., I can't hit them fellows; please get down and try it yourself." I dismounted, took my post as a gunner of the left, ordered canister, and sighted the piece myself, and after two rounds the enemy was in full retreat and the day was won. During the same time the battery under Lieut. J. J. Burroughs and Lieut. Patterson, on Summit Hill, were also engaged and kept up a continual fire during which Capt. McClung and Lieut. Fellows were killed. The section under Lieut. Whelon having reached Temperance Hill, opened fire upon the retreating enemy, which, with the fire from Wyly's battery, Burroughs' battery, and Maj. Baker's, completed the victory.

During this fight, although sharpshooters were sent out against us, none were sent out to sustain us, although 1,000 men were immediately behind us.

The enemy had one battery of artillery and about 2,600 men opposed to about 1,000 men, part of whom were citizens and convalescent soldiers. That they were fully beaten may appear from the fact that the commanding officer of the army sent to me a message by Lieut. Lutrell, of the C. S. Army, a prisoner, paroled by him, to the effect:

I send you my compliments, and say that but for the admirable manner with which you managed your artillery I would have taken Knoxville to-day.

It is not out of place for me to say that Col. E. D. Blake, chief of conscripts and for the day commander of all volunteer infantry, contributed by his zeal and well-known courage to the honorable result.

Among many citizens who reported to me that day for duty, I must not forget to mention Hon. Landon C. Haynes, Hon William H. Sneed, Hon. John H. Crozier, Rev. James H. Martin, and Rev. Mr. Woolfolk, and many others who do not desire me to mention their names. With such compatriots and such fellow-soldiers a man might willingly at any time meet the foe.

Our loss was 2 officers and 2 enlisted men killed, and 4 enlisted men wounded. Loss of enemy, 45.

I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant,

MILTON A. HAYNES, Lieut. Col., Provisional Army Confederate States, Cmdg. Arty.

OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. I, pp. 391-392.





20, The story of Ms. Mary Ann Pitman (a.k.a. Lieutenant Rawley, Mary Hayes, "Mollie"), Lieutenant in Freeman's Infantry and Forrest's cavalry, and a Confederate spy and arms smuggler

No circumstantial reports filed.

Excerpt from the Examination of Mary Ann Pitman by Col. J. P. Sanderson, provost-marshal-general Department of the Missouri.

SAINT LOUIS, June 20, 1864.

I resided near Chestnut Bluff, Tenn.[1], and went into the Confederate service on the breaking out of the rebellion. Myself and Lieut. Craig went around and got together enough volunteers to make up a company, which we took into Freeman's regiment. I was second lieutenant in the infantry. After the battle of Shiloh I commanded the company. I took my company then and joined Forrest's command, as first lieutenant, and acted as such under the name of Lieut. Rawley. While with Forrest's command I was, a large portion of the time, occupied on special service, much of which was of a secret character and in the performance of which I passed in the character of a female. Whilst so employed I was detailed to procure ordnance and ammunition, and came to Saint Louis as Mary Hays.

The first time I came here, which was during the winter of 1864, I stopped at the Everett House. I had been told that the house of Beauvais would supply ammunition for the Confederates. I went there and met John Beauvais. By means of secret signs, known to those in the secret, I made myself known to him and he recognized me. I told him I desired to see him at the Everett House on business, and he called. When he called I told him what my business was and what I wanted, which was caps. I told him that I wanted arms and ammunition, but at that time clothing but caps. He said he would supply me with anything I wanted and brought me $80 worth, which I took down the river on a boat, the name of which I cannot remember. I landed at Randolph and passed through the Federal lines to Forrest. The second time I came up on the City of Alton to Columbus, and from Columbus to Saint Louis on the Von Phul. I went to the Everett House again, but it was crowded, and then I called at Beauvais' office, after which I went to Barnum's and John Beauvais came up to Barnum's to see me. I again told him what the object of my visit was, and he brought about the same number of caps, two pair of Smith & Wesson pistols, and, I think, six boxes of cartridges. I believe that was all I got at that time. I went down on the Von Phul again to Randolph and passed through the lines to Forrest. I came a third time; came up from Randolph on the Hillman, and again stopped at Barnum's. I again sent for Beauvais, and when he came told him what I wanted, all of which he brought to me. He brought $80 worth of caps and pair or two of fine Colt pistols, officer's belt and scabbard, arms and cartridges for--I have forgotten what pistol. There were three boxes. The second time I came I got a silver pencil and a gold pen, and I got a watch mended--that was the second time--I was thinking it was the last time. I got the last time $80 worth of caps and a pair of Colt revolvers, officer's scabbard and belt, gun, cloak, and leggings.

At these different interviews I made known to Mr. Beauvais that these things were for Forrest's command. The first time he said to me that they were talking of conscripting, and he told me that if they did he was going South; if they I did not, he would not go, for he could be of more service to the Confederacy here than in the South; but if they conscripted he was going, for he never would fight for the Federal Government; that he was a Southern man in principle and always had been. He told me he would do anything in the world for the South, and that his father was as good a Southern man as he was, and would do anything for the South. He asked me about how the times were at the South.

The second time I came up I told him about Forrest and Sherman having that fight, and he was glad to hear it, and rejoiced that Forrest gave him a thrashing. He told me if I came there at any time and he was away on business all I had to do was just to make known to his father who I was, and what my business was, and he would let me have anything I wanted, and if he could not supply it himself he would get if for me. His father would to anything I asked in favor of the South. He also told me that his father belonged to this secret order. I never have seen him but twice. The last time I was at his store after he had been arrested.

On these trips which I made I had no interviews with the landlord of the Everett House, nor did I make known to him my business or character. I had an interview with Barnum and his head clerk, Mr. Morrison, and I think also the second time I made known my character to Barnum, that I was detailed by Gen. Forrest. I knew him because he belonged to the same order as I did. The clerk I just told my business. I discovered in my interview with Barnum that he was in the same secrets as myself. His clerks were not, or, if they were, they would not receive any recognition or give any. Yet they said they were Southern men, and would do all they could for the South. The second clerk had been in the Confederate Army, where he was wounded and then discharged. In going down the river these different trips, I made the porter on the Von Phul acquainted with the secret and he hid some things for me. So did the porter on the Hillman and the clerk on the Hillman. Neither of these men belonged to the same secret order. The clerks on the Hillman and Von Phul to, though, but the latter did not conceal anything from me because the porter did what I wanted, and I did not have to call upon him. He told me I could go up and down on the boat whenever I wanted to, and it would not cost me a cent.

After my capture I had an interview with John Beauvais at his store. When I went in he was in the private office back of the store. I went back and spoke to him, and he got up and went back to the back part of the store. His father was selling some jewelry to a lady. He spoke to me and asked me how I came on, and about how times were in the South, and asked me if I was up on the same business, and I said I was. He said, I am sorry, Mollie[2], that I cannot supply you this time, for, he said, they know just what I have got and my father and I and the clerks are under bonds, and I am not allowed to touch or sell anything in that line, but, he said, if you will go on to Cincinnati you can get what you want there, and as soon as this thing is over you shall have anything you want. I had his picture with me when I was captured. I denied to him that I was at Fort Pillow and that I burned his picture. I did not want to let him know I was captured. The picture I actually burned.

I went to this store the last time under the advice of a Memphis detective with a view to see if he would continue the sale after he was arrested. I landed, on the last trip, at Randolph. When I got there I was not going to Forrest; I was going to send him those things, which I did, by one of his officers, Capt. Wright, and was not going. I was going back to Saint Louis. I had sent him a letter stating that I had procured a large quantity of caps, powder, ammunition, &c.; that I had employed Mr. Williams to bring them down. I was waiting for an order from Forrest to say where he wanted them sent to. There was a large quantity, quite a wagonload. I was not going to Forrest myself at all, but when I got there, the next day after I had sent them as many as Capt. Wright and his brother and a negro boy, which he owned, could carry, I sent word to Forrest I intended to go right back to Saint Louis as soon as I could arrange the business there. I received a dispatch from Forrest ordering me to report at his headquarters, about ten miles from Fort Pillow. He wanted me to take my position in the field, as he said he would rather detail ten of his best officers for this business than lose my services at that time. So I started on a mule and was captured. Somebody told on me. They had something in the papers about my being captured--taking an officer's horse away and threatening to shoot him--which was all false. I was taken from the place where I was captured to Fort Pillow. I was captured about five or six miles from Fort Pillow at the house of Mr. Green, a Southern man. I was there, I think, three days; two or three, I am not certain which.

While I was at Fort Pillow I was standing one day some distance from headquarters, and there was a gentleman came up behind me, slapping me on the shoulder and asked if he had the honor of meeting Lieut. Rawley. I said yes. He said that Forrest was coming here with 4,000 men to take the place and he was going to take it if it took every man he had, and he would learn them how to arrest women--he would teach them a lesson. I did not know the man, though his face looked familiar. He turned right away and I went right into the office at headquarters; a short time afterward he came in. He wanted a pass to go out, and a Tennessee soldier who came with him into the office vouched for his loyalty. As Col. Booth was making out a pass for him, I slapped him on the shoulder, when he turned around and said: "Must I grant this pass, Mollie, or must I not?" I said, "Use your own judgment, colonel; you know your own business best." He issued the pass and the man went out. After the man was gone I told Col. Booth what I had heard; that Forrest was coming in a few days with 4,000 men, and he would undoubtedly take the place if he made the attempt. My advice was to evacuate the fort or re-enforce it at once, for if Forrest did get possession the Federal forces, and especially the officers, would be badly used. He told me, "Mollie, now make your preparation to go to Memphis this evening, for I be damned if he shall have you." He then told the captain of Gun-boat No. 7 to stop the first boat that came down, or sink her. I went to Memphis and the fort was taken the next day or day after--I think the day after.

Before my capture my mind and feeling had undergone a very material change from what they were when I started out in the war as to the character of the Northern people and soldiers and the merits of the controversy involved. I started out with the most intense feelings of prejudice against the Northern people. I regarded all I had heard as to their views, character, and purposes to be true, but my intercourse with such as came into our possession during my service in the Confederate Army, and especially my trip to Saint Louis, convinced me of my error in this respect. I found the Union officers and soldiers not to be the desperadoes which I had been taught to believe them to be. At Saint Louis I found business flourishing, people thriving, and everything so entirely different from the condition of things in the South and from what I had supposed to be that my observations could not help but make an impression upon my mind. While it had not for a moment the effect of inducing even a thought in me to desert the Confederate service, and thus be guilty of a dishonorable act, it had, nevertheless, the effect, as I have already stated, of materially changing my views and feelings. This was the condition of my mind when I was captured, and I accordingly immediately resolved to perform an honorable part and do nothing to discredit or disgrace my name. While satisfied that I had been performing services which placed my life at the mercy and disposal of the Federal Government, I felt it to be my duty to tell the truth and do what I could to atone for the past, and resolved to throw myself upon the Government. I resolved, be the result with me personally what it might, never to return to the Confederate service and continue my former career. I accordingly, immediately on my arrival at Fort Pillow, gave such information as I could to vindicate my personal integrity and show the authorities my determination to act in good faith. Acting under this determination, I at once disclosed such information as I believed to be of important use to the Federal authorities. I informed them, without reserve, of all I had done myself, and also stated to Col. Booth that if he would send me with an officer and adequate force I would be able to place him in possession of Gen. Forrest as a prisoner in a short time. I knew him to be that night within ten miles of the fort, and would have had no difficulty in enabling Col. Booth, by adopting my advice, to have taken Forrest, for I knew him to be away from his command at a place designated, where he was to meet me on my return. He was to have met me there for the purpose of bringing my uniform and horse, which he could not trust to another, so that I might change my female apparel and reassume the character of Lieut. Rawley. Col. Booth seemed to believe me, and was anxious to carry my proposition out; yet he feared and hesitated, and after a considerable consultation with other officers, finally resolved not to venture on it.

After my arrival at Memphis I made known to the officers what I had already disclosed to Col. Booth. Among the rest, I gave them an account of my visits to Saint Louis and the purposes for which I went there, which led them to send me here.

* * * *

Question. Do you know of Treasury notes being furnished to the Confederate Government through the means which this order furnishes for communication between the North and South?

Answer. I have no personal knowledge, but I know that the Confederate Government has usually an abundant supply of greenbacks to furnish for raids and other purposes in which it is necessary to use that kind of money. I know this, because on one occasion it became necessary for me to have some, and I called the attention of Gen. Forrest to it. He told me that in a few days he would have an abundance. A few days afterward I called to see him and he furnished me what I needed. At the same time he showed me a letter, which I read. It was dated at Washington and purported to be signed by one Chase and addressed to Gen. Forrest, in which the latter was informed that $20,000 had been forwarded to President Davis at Richmond for $900 in gold. The letter went on to say that Chase had advised President Davis that he would furnish him with as many greenbacks as he wished at the rate of $4 for $1 in gold. When I read this letter--it being signed by Chase--I was under the impression that it was Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, but it was only an impression and nothing that Forrest had said about the person. There was an officer waiting at the time to see Forrest, and he told me that at some other time, when more at leisure, he would tell me all about this man Chase; that he was an important man--one of our head and leading men at Washington, and a member of the order. I knew he was a member of the order, for the signs of it were in the letter.

* * * *

OR, Ser. II, Vol. 7, pp. 345-350.






[1] In West Crockett County.

[2] According to Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, (G.& C. Merriam Company; Springfield Mass, 1981), "Mollie," a nickname for Mary, is also defined as a prostitute, a doll, or a gangster's girl friend. It is difficult to say if the use of Mollie was merely out of familiarity or because of her actually bestowing sexual favors on Major Booth and/or General Forrest. Pitman's story seems to be a cross between Helen of Troy and Mata Hari.

Following his investigation into the secret societies Colonel Sanderson had the following to say concerning Mary Ann Pitman:

"This woman was attached to the command of the rebel Forrest, as an officer under the name of Lieut. Rawley; but because her sex afforded her unusual facilities for crossing our lines she was often employed in the execution of important commissions within our territory, and, as a member of the order, was made extensively acquainted with other members, both of the Northern and Southern sections. Her testimony is thus peculiarly valuable, and being a person of unusual intelligence and force of character, her statements are sufficient, pointed, and emphatic... "

OR, Ser. II, Vol. 7, pp. 951-952.

James B. Jones, Jr.

Public Historian

Tennessee Historical Commission

2941 Lebanon Road

Nashville, TN  37214

(615)-532-1550  x115

(615)-532-1549  FAX