Monday, May 4, 2015

5.4.2015 Tennessee Civil War Notes

          4, Pre-secession difficulties with arms distribution

NASHVILLE, May 4, 1861.

Gen. J. L. T. SNEED:

DEAR SIR: I was sorry I could not have seen you again before I left Memphis. I desired to call your special attention to the fact that Colonel E. Pickett had drawn 1,000 muskets, State arms, for his regiment of home guards. Home guards are not entitled to draw arms, and Col. Pickett promised me to return the arms to Col. W. R. Hunt, ordnance officer. I hope you will see that this is done without delay. The arms must be returned. Col. Walker drew the same number of muskets, and afterward tendered his regiment for active service. I hope you will see that in reorganizing his regiment that none of the muskets be lost. See Walker and urge him to hold on to all his muskets for active service men. Capt. Somerville drew 100 muskets for his company, and you will do well to urge him to take good care of them until he is called into service. Capt. Hunt drew 100 muskets, and since my departure from Memphis changed their purpose, and [they] are now in this city on their way to Virginia. These guns will be returned by Adams Express, in charge of Col. W. R. Hunt, of your city. The only remaining company to whom I delivered arms was Capt. Martin's, now in active service in Col. Smith's regiment. I deemed it proper to give you these suggestions. I have every confidence in your sound discretion in managing all these matters. Be sure to take care of the arms until the men are placed in camp for regular training. The military fire is burning finely here, and a number of regiments are being organized for active service. I am satisfied more men will be offered than will be needed. The bill is still before the Legislature, and everything is secret. It is believed that the action of the legislature will be made public by Tuesday next. Let me hear from you.

Yours, very respectfully,


OR, Ser. I, Vol. 52, pt. II, pp. 85-86.

          4, Thoughts on the secession crisis, excerpt from the journal of Amanda McDowell, Cherry Creek community, White County

* * * *

Little though have I had that I should ever live to see civil war in this, our goodly land, but so it is! The Southerners are so hot they can stand it no longer, and have already made the break. There will be many a divided family in this once happy Union. There will be father against son, and brother against brother. O, God! that such things should be in a Christian land. That men should in their blindness rush so rashly to ruin, and not only rush to ruin themselves but drag with them so many thousands of innocent and ignorant victims! There are thousand who will rush into the fury with blind enthusiasm, never stopping to question whether it be right or wrong, who, if they only understood it properly, would stay at home with their families and let those who started it fight it out.

But the ignorant mass are so easily excited than an enthusiast who can make mountains out of mole-hills and raise a bussie [sic] about nothing can so stir them up and excite that they will run headlong into almost anything that is proposed to them.

They are taking on considerably at Sparta. Have raised a secession flag and are organizing companies at a great rate. Why Christian men who live here in peace and plenty with nothing to interrupt their happiness should prefer to leave their peaceful home and all the ties which bind them to their families and rush into a fight in which they cannot possibly gain anything and in which they may lose their lives is more than I can see. But, of course, my judgment is not much anyway. But in my feeble opinion they will have cause to repent their rashness.

I do not think the killing of one another is going to better it any, but on the contrary, I fear it will make it worse. God grant that it may not prove so serious a matter as we are all fearing! I say fearing, but I do not fear anything in particular. I can conceive of the horrors of civil war, and I know it is dreadful, but I do not fear that it will hurt me. And for my folks I am not uneasy. I know they will not go into it until they are convinced that it is their duty, and when they are convinced that it is their duty to fight for their country, it becomes me not to interfere with them about it or grieve at their so doing, for I love my country, I think, as well as any who live in it could love it. An although I shudder to think [of] any of them either being killed or killing another yet I should consider it my duty to take it with the best grace possible and when I consider it my duty to do a thing I am generally do it. [sic] I would write a good deal now while I am in the notion, but I do not feel well....

* * * *

Diary of Amanda McDowell.[1]

          4, The War and Winchester Female College

The Mary Sharp College and the War.

We have just returned from Winchester. On our way there we met with Prof. McCall, and some students of Union University returning home in the South, and learned from them the sorrowful news, that the Union University had been disbanded, and would not resume its studies before next September. While in Winchester, we learned that the Boys' school in that place had been dismissed till more peaceful times would allow closer attention to the duties of the school room. We heard the question asked again and again, will not Mary Sharp be obliged to suspend? Will not the war destroy our great and unequalled college for the education of our daughters? We answered NO. So far from it, the war will build it up. We say so because we think so, and we think so for the following reasons.

1st. We have been witness of the fact that while other schools in Tennessee and other States have been diminished in numbers, and some of them obliged to suspend altogether, the number of pupils in the Mary Sharp has been regularly increasing even up to the present month, April, 1861. New scholars have been coming in almost every week, and there are more students on the seats to-day than there have ever been since the school was organized.

2d. We have been witness of the fact, that although a few young ladies have been taken home on account of the present excitement, there have a larger number come to take their places, and these from the Confederate States.

3d. We have been witness of the fact, that from the very first, the sympathies of the President and the Faculty of the school, as well as of the citizens of Winchester, have been with the South, with the Confederate States. Here, so far as we know, was the first volunteer company raised for the Confederacy in the State of Tennessee. We think it was the first offered and accepted by President Davis. We saw the flag presented by the young ladies of Mary Sharp. Heard the address full of noble, heart-stirring words, which accompanied its presentation—and a day or two afterwards saw that beautiful banner floating in the College yard, while the President in behalf of the young ladies bade its bearers and defenders god speed in their glorious work of defending our homes. No one heard that soul thrilling address, whose heart did not beat faster and higher for the land we live in—our own loved South—and the loud hurrah, again and again repeated at its close, told as the quivering lip and tearful eye had told, while they were listening, that those who love that flag, would never forget the lovely faces, and beaming eyes of the 300 beautiful creatures who bade them go and fight for them, and for their country.

4th. We think the war will build up the school, because we know that its patrons are mostly in the more Southern States, where the young ladies will be less safe from insurrection or invasion, than they will in Winchester. This place is in the heart of a population, which is not only now, but has been with almost entire unanimity, with the South from the first. It is well prepared to resist any attack from within or without.—The location is within the mountains and inaccessible to any Northern force, except in directions where they would have a long and fearful contest to wage before they could reach Winchester. And there could be nothing to induce an invading force to wage such a contest to attack a school of unarmed girls.

5th. It is a point where those who desire to send their daughters from the low country, can not only place them in safety from a hostile foe, but from any danger of disease. No more healthful location is to be found in this or any other country.

Here then we have a school more deservedly celebrated than any other in the whole land, North or South, located in a position unrivalled for healthfulness and safety.—Protected on three sides by the mountains and on the other by some of the most warlike and loyal citizens of the South—in the very CENTER of what soon will be the Southern Confederacy—distant alike from the Northern borders and the Southern coast; from the sea board on the East, and the Mississippi on the West—and hence removed as far as possible from the seats of actual contest. Is it not probable, nay, is it not certain that it will be selected by the Parents of daughters from all parts of the land as the home of their girls while the war shall continue. Especially as it has long been notorious that they will here enjoy intellectual, moral, and religious advantages, such as they will hardly find in any other place in all the country.

A.C. D.

Tennessee Baptist, May 4, 1861.[2]

          4, "Letter from Memphis."

Memphis, Tenn., May 4th, 1861.

Editors Chronicle; - Since writing the hasty letter[3] touching the political aspect of the times which, more to oblige an old friend, and subscriber than because of any intrinsic merit therein, you are pleased to publish some weeks ago, stirring scenes have been enacted all over the land, and now the distinct not distant promise of the future is that our eyes will be constrained to behold, what the immortal Webster prayed that his might never behold "a land rent with civil feuds," and "drenched with paternal blood." The effect, long predicted is indeed upon us, of

"That lust of power

That oftimes assumes the fairer name of Liberty,

And flings the popular flag of Freedom [sic] out."

Since then Sumter has fallen - a most righteous fall – the result of a scheme conceived in iniquity, and attempted to be executed by misrepresentation and fraud, and the cannon which announced its attack, has succeeded in accomplishing that which political maneuvering and party diplomacy, though diligently prosecuted through a series of years, had failed to secure unity in the South to defend what an aggravated North is arming to destroy, the liberties and rights of a free people.

Inheritors of a like precious heritage, a heritage secured by years of toil, self-denial and bloodshed, you and I, with a large majority of Montgomery's noble sons, have long been battling upon like principles for the preservation of that heritage, pure as we received it, for transmission to those who are to succeed us and because of an abiding faith in the virtue and intelligence of the people, upon which alone is based the hope of the perpetuity of republican institutions, we have continued to hear what has stirred the blood and aroused to action the resentment of others, equally patriotic, but less patient and hopeful. I see from recent members of the chronicle that recent events have affected us in like manner, and that we are still of one mind, and that mind the "resisting unto blood" the usurpation, the tyranny, and the oppression of that worse than imbecile administration, which has so shamefully abused our confidence, and would not butcher before our eyes our beloved and helpless ones, or subject them and us to slavery, infinitely more degrading and helpless than African slavery ever was painted by that libel upon her sex,[4] whose foul fabrications have gone forth to the world endorsed by the hypocritical Puritanism of New England.

Disappointed, as I confess myself to have been, in the people of the North, and misled, by my faith in the intention of the masses there to do us ultimately even handed justice, to a longer toleration of their misdeeds, than many have though advisable. I yet do not look back with regret upon the course which I have felt myself constrained by convictions of duty to pursue. With a devotion, beyond the power of language to express to the Union as our fathers gave it to us, and a determination as firm as that devotion was deep seated, to exhaust every means first to restore to its original purity, and then preserve that Union, without turning to the right or left from considerations of personal advancement or interest, I have held myself to the principles, which my judgment indicated as most likely to accomplish that object. And now when called upon to nerve my arm for a blow which every freeman must prepare to strike for his fireside and his liberty the consciousness of entire irresponsibility for any of the evils that begirt us, and of that long suffering oppression which justifies so thoroughly the final rebellion, will add no shade of remorse or regret to the contemplation of the scenes through which we shall have passed, when peace shall have returned to bless the land over which a fratricidal war has been waged.

Union men once, what are we now? You have spoken for yourself through your columns, and with emphasis, and as you have spoken, so speaks Old Montgomery. God bless her! I imagine I can see coming from her every valley and descending her every hillside "the Tennessee Volunteer," whose coming, the "Confederate States," notwithstanding their denunciation and abuse, have awaited as anxiously as did England's warrior the coming of "Night or Blucher,"[5] and the announcement or anticipation of whose coming in hostile array, Northern myrmidons so much depreciate and dread. With like voice, though, with feebler, would your correspondent speak. A Tennesseean [sic] by birth, education, by continuous residence from birth till now, a Tenneseean [sic] whose foot has never been placed on freesoil [sic], the son of a slave-holder, and slave-holder myself. I could not be otherwise than a Southerner if I would, and would not if I could. And as my lot for life is cast in Tennessee, I rejoice to believe that as you speak and as speaks Montgomery, so will Tennessee speak. Nay, so has she spoken already through her high minded and chivalrous Governor's [illegible] response to a federal demand. This is high minded rebellion [sic] – such rebellion, as when rebellion must come, more pleases me than your lofty spoken "peaceable secession," a doctrine or idea, permit me without offence to say, I detest, and which I pray God, when Tennesseeans [sic] are called to vote as called they will [scratch union from (?)] their tickets and write instead in characters living and legible, that word consecrated by revolutionary memories –


More Anon.

P.S. – We are preparing actively for the reception of the "Chicken thieves," which the Express letter from Dyersburg to Washington is stationing at Cairo. Fort Wright, at Randolph, is now in "speaking order." Fort Harris, at Memphis, will be complete on Monday next, well constructed ands well manned. Mort Madison's battery of "a bowie knife and a couple of Derringers" will suffice to do the work of all who succeed in running the gauntlet of these two forts. Our city is all alive with citizen soldiers marching and counter-marching. It would [remainder illegible.]

Clarksville Chronicle, May 10, 1861.

          4, Call up of the selective Memphis Hickory Rifles

The Hickory Rifles.—This noble corps, principally consisting of connections of some of the most respected and influential families in this city and neighborhood, is ordered on active service and leaves us to-night. The members are all hereby summoned by their respected captain, Dr. Martin, to meet at their armory at ten o'clock this morning. The same authority also summons the company to meet at four o'clock in the afternoon, with their baggage, preparatory to marching to their camp. From their armory they will proceed to Dr. Grundy's church, corner of Main and Beal streets, to receive a flag which will be presented to them by the ladies of Memphis at five o'clock.

Memphis Daily Appeal, May 4, 1861.




          4, Juvenile daring-do on Main street, Memphis

Dangerous Practice.—Boys on Main street are indulging in the amusement of jumping on and jumping off the railway cars when in motion. This practice is full of danger, and will inevitably result in the death of some of these thoughtless ones if it is persevered in. Precisely the same proceeding was common on the Memphis and Ohio railway some years ago; it resulted in the death of one of the boys, who was run over by the locomotive at the foot of Main street. We yesterday saw a boy receive a very violent fall from jumping from a moving car. Another boy had a narrow escape of life; he was standing in the rear of the hind car, when the train unexpectedly to him began to back. The police should inflexibly take to the station house all who indulge in this dangerous practice.

Memphis Daily Appeal, May 4, 1862.

          4-10, Federal recruiting expedition to the Sequatchie Valley[6]

My Trip to the Sequatchie Valley, East Tennessee, on a Recruiting Expedition.

On Sunday last, May 4, my guide and self having previously made the necessary preparations for the expedition, started by train to Shelbyville. On the way, about 8 miles this side of Murfreesboro, the cars were brought to a stand by the removal of a rail from the tracks—a pile of burning cotton and the wire of the telegraph cut, was a pretty sure indication that mischief was brewing somewhere. We were told by a negro that Morgan had been there with a large body of men, and was in the immediate neighborhood then. A consultation was held and we decided to return to Nashville. The train returned about two miles, the conductor keeping a sharp lookout ahead when we were again brought to a stand by his saying, "Here, they are all around us; go on to Murfreesboro." The rail was soon replaced, and the cars got to the latter town. For myself, believing that we should be taken—cars and all—I allowed them to leave me. I went into an empty house near by to change my uniform for a citizens' dress, which I had taken along to use in case of necessity, but I changed my mind instead of my dress and started on the road to Murfreesboro. I had not gone a hundred yards before I saw two horsemen coming towards me. I wheeled round and made towards the house I had left and the horsemen passed on; it appears that it was one of Morgan's men with a prisoner. I now changed my dress and resolved to hide in the woods until night; I took up the railroad about a quarter of a mile with some dozen men, white and black; lounged about with them awhile on the bank, when a number of Morgan's men were observed looking at the replaced rail. My white companions proposed going to talk with them, and advised me to go down, saying "they'll not hurt you; may be make you take the oath." I thought the risk too great, and declined; a negro whispered to me "they'll betray you: remain here and we'll conceal you." As soon as they were gone, I said, "Boys, I rely on you now." "Come along, Marse, we'll hide you." One took my bundle with the uniform and went one way to hide it in some hay stacks, and I went with another towards a gin house, where he assured me I should be perfectly safe. On arriving at the gin house I looked across a field and to my satisfaction, saw a regiment of our cavalry going in pursuit of the Morganites. I joined them, got a horse and sword and fell into the ranks, and you had better believe I was spoiling for a fight now. We rode all day, and after taking a circuit of about thirty-five miles, were nearing Murfreesboro, when the regiment was reinforced by Gen. Dumont, and the pursuit renewed; the result you already know. I slept in camp at Murfreesboro that night; I returned next morning for my bundle and found it all right, and the proceeded to Shelbyville, where I found my guide waiting.

Monday [5th] soon we started on our march to Huntsville, to confer with Gen. Mitchell, who then held Bridgeport, a point about twelve miles from Jasper, the town we were making for. The General have us the necessary transportation passes &c., and expressed his deep sympathy for the people we were going to, and regretting his inability to render them immediate relief.—Wednesday [7th] morning we left in the cars for Bellefont, (all the bridges being destroyed between there and Chattanooga). If any body wants to see a specimen of Jeff Davis' operations in governing the Confederacy, go on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad and he will see it—such destruction and woe never was seen by any body. About four miles east of Bellefonte is a river across which the bridge is burned; a passenger car bangs on the abutment, and the engine, tender and baggage car in the river. Here we met the troops returning from Bridgeport; they had abandoned all the country east as not being of any importance to hold; here, then, we had to leave our protectors and push into an enemy's country. Nothing daunted, we pushed on to Stevenson; some danger was apprehended, but in what shape it would turn up we could not foresee. It was evening—about four o'clock—when we got there; a line of houses on one side of the road is all there is of it. Men were sitting about in squads. I said to my guide, "Prepare your tale; we shall be questioned by these fellows; I see by the way they look at us they mediate no good to us." We walked up the track, not looking towards them; one fellow said "Come by." We replied, "It is getting late, and we want to get out to some place to remain the night," and walked on. Presently they arose en masse and commanded us to "Hold on there!" We sat down on the ties till they came up. "Where are you going, gentlemen?" "We want to know the news, that's all." "Where's General Mitchel?" "Where are the men that are gone up the road?" "How many men are there at Huntsville?" "Is Mitchell going to burn Huntsville?" "Is Scottsville burned?" these and many more such questions being answered, the direct personal inquiry began, this was conducted by some of them in a pompous, exacting and impertinent manner, especially towards me, as I now had on my uniform. A man in the crowd knew my guide, so that he was comparatively safe. Where did I live? Where was I going? Was I in the army? What was my grade? &c., &c. I replied that I lived in Nashville, and was sent out to meet seven men sent to Jasper with a flag of truce and to return with them. I was an assistant surgeon in the army and had to attend to some sick men scattered around there. The tale seemed to take well, and, after a great deal more such close and inconvenient questioning, we were allowed to go on. (The seven men sent to jasper were taken prisoners that evening near Stevenson, and sent to Chattanooga.) I now suggested to my guide the propriety of travelling at night, and lie in the mountains by day. Said he, "my belief is that those fellows will get us yet. They'll go back, caucus a little, get on their horses and head us on the road." We hurried on a couple of miles, when a deep creek ran across the road, with no sign of a crossing place. Sitting down a few minutes to consult, the sound of persons talking was heard distinctly. No time was to be lost, so we waded the creek, we landed, completely drenched, and hid in the woods for an hour, until we were out of their reach. I will not tell of the weary march all that night through the mountains, across bayous, wading creeks, up one craggy steep, turning point after point of the spurs, until we got to Battle Creek, at its junction with the Tennessee River, and within a few miles of Jasper. Battle Creek is about thirty yards wide, and twelve feet deep, and could not be waded; neither was there any ferry to be found. So we toiled up the bank, mile after mile, closely scanning every nook and cranny for some canoe or skiff to cross. Early in the morning we got to a place where my guide said we surely should find a person to take us across—he knew him to be a Union man. Said he, "They know my voice around this country, and if any of the Secesh know of my being here, they'll do their best to get me. You call Jose, Jose." I did so, and a woman's voice answered, "Who is that?" Where's Jose, said I, a friend wants him? "He ain't here." Can I get across the creek? "No, you had better not—this country in here is full of cavalry scouts. Pete Larkin's men were here for Jose yesterday; he's in the mountains; all the boys are in the mountains now—they dare not show themselves." My guide suggested that we leave for some other point immediately; "for," said he, "if they are about here, they have undoubtedly heard our conversation." We marched away from them at double quick, crossing fields of wheat wet with dew, which , although we were already wet, was more disagreeable than fording creeks. Getting out of that supposed danger, we laid down among the rocks to rest, and wait for day. Then cautiously reconnoitering the people going out to work, we found none about but those known to my guide as Secesh, and not to be approached. Most of the forenoon was thus spent, when hunger forced us to make up to an old man to inquire about a crossing on the creek. Fortunately he was a Union man; he had been there but a short time, and came from Knox county, driven out by Secesh. Said he, "Go through this field, you will find two women washing on the bank of the creek; there is a canoe by which you can cross." I approached the women alone. Good morning, madam; can I cross here? "Yes, sir, where's the canoe; but ain't you a Federal, sir?" Yes. "Well, I thought you was by your clothes. My boy went down to Bridgeport when Gen. Mitchell was there, and he told me the kind of dress they wore. But if you cross you had better take up the creek, for I saw two of Pete Larkin's scouts ride down just now; they are gone down to ______, to take him, and ______, they say, they are bound to have them to day." I called up my guide. Said I, what do you propose to do? "Well," said he, "it looks squally, but don't be in a hurry; they can not find us. I can hide from them." "Don't ye trust yourselves too far," said the woman, "For God's sake be careful." I asked her if she could procure me an old hat, pants and vest, to disguise myself, and madam, can you get us anything to eat, we have had nothing since yesterday morning. "Lord, love your souls, haven't ye? Go up the mountain and hide; I'll go to the house and get all you want." In half an hour all our necessities were bountifully supplied, and we were in the hands of friends, with repeated assurances of solicitude for our safety. We rested all day, slept soundly for several hours, and at evening the women returned to our hiding place with a fresh supply of food. "You must go away from here now," said they, "you have been here long enough to be seen, and if you remain until morning, you will be taken. A man, I believe, passed by you to-day, and if he saw you they'll hunt you down." After blessing us, and wishing us in a place of safety, these good creatures left us, and we took up our march to the house of a Union man over the hill. I now began seriously to consider that to cross the creek would be attended with too much danger, and with too little result, and said to my guide that I thought we had better return to Nashville. Our papers we could leave in the hands of some trustworthy man for distribution, and that those who could escape had better make their way to Nashville as they best could, it being out of the question for us to try to go back in companies of more than two or three. At nine o'clock, a company of five of us got together, perched on a high rock, carrying on a conversation in a whisper, listening and watching attentively in every direction for intruders. It was decided that my plan was the best, and that all who would go to Nashville should strike his own course, and get there as he best could.

at [sic] twelve o'clock Friday [9th] night I left my guide to return on my solitary march to Nashville. Commencing at the foot of one of the mountains, I struck on a due west course up, up, up the mountain, a steep precipitous route of over two miles, to the top; thence, without interruption or seeing a human being for twenty miles, when I struck the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad. Proceeding up this road, carefully avoiding observation. All went on well until I got to Dechard, a small village which I got into before I thought. Here, as at Stevenson, I saw groups of men sitting about the doorways, and before I had time to consider I was hailed, "Come here." "Hold on." A crowd of men got around me, and the usual question: "Where do you come from? Where are you going?" etc., etc. I saw at once my folly of getting into their power a second time, but had no chance left to get off. I had procured a change of dress on the mountains, and had my uniform tied up in a bundle. I now assumed another character, that of a journeyman harness maker. They formed themselves into a jury, and each one was required to question me. "Where do you come from?" Nashville. Hem, Nashville. "Where are you going to?" To Nashville. "What do you do here?" I am in search of work. Whilst the Confederates were at Nashville I had plenty of work and supported my family, since the Federals had got there all work had ceased, and my family were in want, I dare not wait to see them starve, so I put out into the country for some. Hem. "Where have you been?" I first went to Shelbyville, thence to Fayetteville, thence to Stevenson; got nothing to do, and am about to return to my family in Nashville. I am tired, and ready to starve. What would you do? All this time I had my bundle of uniform sitting on it not to attract too much attention to it. At this time two scouts rode into the place. The citizens called them over to question me inquisitively. "Who are you?" A man looking for work. "What can you do?" I am a harness maker. I am also an Englishman. "Have you got your papers?" No, sir, I have been in the country but four years. "Where did you land when you came into the country?" At New York. "How long did you stay there?" Nine or ten months. "Where did you go then?" To Cincinnati. "How long did you stay there?" About the same time. "Where did you go then?" To Louisville. "How long did you stay there?" Over a year. "What did you leave there for?" A harness maker of Nashville came to Louisville and offered to employ seventy hands to go to Nashville to make government work; cartridge boxes, cap boxes, bayonett scabbards, and artillery harness, etc., etc. I went with him. "How long were you there?" From the time the work began until the Federals came. "Let me see," said the fellow calculating, "one year in New York, one year in Cincinnati, one year in Louisville, that's three, and one year in Nashville. He has got three times as much North in him as South; keep that fellow a prisoner. I guess, young man, I can find something for you to do. Get up behind me. Well, sir, I replied. Pull round your horse and I'll get up. "Keep yourself in that room, and consider yourself my prisoner, and if you attempt to get away it will be the worse for you." And he rode off striking the spurs into his horse shouting, "Texas, by God." The citizens then took up the questioning. Who did I know in Nashville? Did I know so and so? A more decent looking man took me into a back room, and said, privately, I want to know whether you are all right. We don't want to hurt your, we want to know whether you are all right. I asked, ["]Do you want to know whether I am Union or Secesh?["] My principles are always right. I try to act at all times rightly. He meant to ask if I was a spy, but did not do so in so many words, so that I did not then understand him. The horseman again galloped up to question me again. "Have you a pass?" No. "How did you get out of Nashville without a pass?" I had a pass to get out, but it was only to get out of the city. "Don't you think it imprudent to travel about the country without a pass?" I admitted that it was, and asked him to give me one. He said that he had "no authority to give it." "Guess you had better get up behind me." The citizens remonstrated, and said that if he took me to Winchester—a town two miles off, where they had a Provost Marshal—he would examine me and simply give me a pass to go on. He said "what shall we do with him?" An old scoundrel suggested, "take him to Col. Stearns, he'll know what to do with him." The horseman looked at him with all the scorn possible, and said "Stearns, hell," and rode off. The citizens said to me, "you may go on; keep out of the way of that horseman and you may escape." During this searching examination, I carefully kept my bundle with the uniform under me, sitting on it when possible. I do not know how it was they did not search for papers or evidences of identity about my person. They did not, and I made tracks for the woods for concealment until night should enable me to proceed. I prospected around in the bush, the planters houses lay in all directions, and I could see the scouts arrive in small squads, and make arrangements to remain during the night. As soon as it was dark enough I took a course that I supposed would take me back to the Railroad. After walking some time, I concluded that I was lost in the woods. Sitting down to pause awhile, and determine what to do, resolved finally to take the first road leading north and follow it. After some couple hours search, I found a road, and went about ten miles; then finding a route going west, followed it about the same distance; still no sign of Railroad. The country I was now in was a perfect wilderness. I asked myself the question again, "Where am I?" I must know at all hazards. I'll risk the first house I come to. Seeing one soon after, I made up to it. A man and his family were sitting at breakfast. Said I, "If you please sir, where am I?—how far is it to Elk River—how far to the Railroad?" Well, sir, Elk River is about a hundred yards from here, and to the railroad is about two miles." "How can I cross the river, sir?" "There is a ferry about half a mile down." "Thank you—good morning, sir." I found the river, and in ten minutes found a fording place, and waded through the swift stream, not being willing to be caught at a ferry. By dodging farm houses and numerous strolling parties (Sunday being a loafing, lounging day in general in such backwoods places,) I got on well enough to Tullahoma—another hot secesh crib. I was cautioned by a woman who lived near that place, that almost everybody in that neighborhood was a self-constituted scout, to act singly or collectively as case may require. I gave that town a wide berth; and the only incident that happened was my meeting in a cross road a young fellow on horseback who as soon as he saw me, gave a loud scream and set off at a gallop; whether it was to scare me, or I had scared him, I know not, as I did not hear any more of him. It accelerated my speed for a [illegible].

No incident worthy of note occurred after this, for night came on, and I marched on my weary way. Early in the morning [10th] I reached our pickets at Wartrace, where they warmed and fed me. I threw off my disguise and resumed my uniform. The food given me in the mountains had lasted me, and a small piece of corn dodger still remained. Crippled and worn out with fatigue—not having been in a house since I left Huntsville—I got into camp. Colonel Barnes and other officers kindly cared for me. I was among friends again. My enemies were behind me. If ever I have occasion to go that way again, it will be with my sword by my side, and they may rest assured that I will give them their deserts, certain [?] as they are.

P. M. Radford, Co. D, First Tenn. Volunteers, Gov. Guards.

Nashville Daily Union, May 17, 1862.





          4, Affair near Nashville

No circumstantial reports filed.[7]

          4, "…we discovered a negro woman waving a rebel flag."

As we passed a residence on Summer street yesterday, glancing in at a window, we thought we discovered a negro woman waving a rebel flag. It was a mistake, however, as we ascertained subsequently. It was a rebel flag, but it was being used in knocking down cobwebs. We trust that ultimately rebel flags and cobwebs may go together.

Nashville Daily Press, May 5, 1863.

          4, "Rebel Sale of confiscated Property – the Contrast."

The Knoxville Register announces the sale in that city of the splendid Wetmore Farms. At auction, in front of the receiver's office, on account of the Confederate States, for $91,000, Mr. W. E. Alexander, of Georgia, being the purchaser.

At the same time and place, the King Corner, opposite the Lanier House, was sold for $15,000, R. C. West being the purchaser.

The Wetmore property is amongst the very best in East Tennessee. We suspect the time is not far off when Mr. Alexander will repent the folly which led him to invest his money in the purchase of it; for East Tennessee is bound to be redeemed from Confederate despotism

Is not the contrast between the action of the Federal and rebel governments striking in the extreme. Whilst the former admonished, attempts to conciliate, legislate and suspend the blow, the latter strikes surely and swiftly. Look around us, here in Nashville. Amongst the thousands of rebel properly holders, who contributed their money and influence to forward the rebellion, what one has had his property confiscated? So lenient, so unwisely lenient, has been the policy of the Government, these rebels do not hesitate to make out bills for damages done their property by the army, and present them for payment! Look over the list of claimants advertised in the city papers here, and note the name's of such rebels as NICK HOBSON [sic], who proposed to give the Confederate Government twenty acres of his high priced Edgefield lands upon which to erect the Capitol buildings of the Southern Confederacy; and the Messrs. BRENNAN [sic], the willing instruments of the Jeff. Davis and Isham Harris despotism, which overrode and crushed out all freedom of speech and action in Tennessee, and who were employed in the manufacture of cannons, balls, bombs, etc., to be used in putting down the government whose protection they had crossed the ocean to seek, and which they had received and enjoyed as fully as the native of the soil.

We have heard of one instance in which a wealthy rebel[8] who boasts that his house is a paradise, his china the purest and richest in Nashville – that was permitted last year, after the occupation of the city by General Buell, to go to Lynchburg and invest $40,000 in tobacco; and who now gives that investment as a reason why he cannot take the oath of allegiance to the Federal Government. He fears the rebel government will put his tobacco in the category of the Wetmore farms.

Is this policy to continue? Are only Union men, supporters of the government, to realize the evils resulting from the rebellion? We hope not. The government must see that a change of policy is demanded; that nothing is gained by kind words or kind acts, which the rebels regard as a sort of recognition of the power of their government, and a secret dream of its exercise. Let us have, hereafter, all the laws executed and if the property of the rebellious suffers, none but themselves will be to blame.

[The above article sent us by some gentleman, who we would be pleased to become acquainted with. His language is high-toned but severe. Contributions from his pen will be welcomed, always. – Ed. Press.]

Nashville Daily Press, May 4, 1863.

          4, "The Pen is Mightier than the Sword."

The above, we opine, must be fully realized by General Mitchell, who, by a few strokes of the pen, caused the disloyal elements of Nashville and Davidson county to cease motion. Hence one week this city must necessarily be a loyal place. All must be come loyal, and acknowledge allegiance to the existing authority of the United States, or take their departure South. We conjure all to remain with us. Be freemen. Unloose yourselves from bondage, and defy the "authority" of the bogus Confederacy. But be careful, those of you have complied with the order of General Mitchell. Remember than the penalty for seditious utterances is death. Those who accepted the parole of honor, we say, be guarded – you are sure to be watched. Those who subscribed to the oath of allegiance are above supposition.

When the order was first introduced to the people of Nashville, many believed that it was still-born, like others of the same nature. The contrary, however, has been realized; and General Mitchell may well feel proud of his success. It is the greatest triumph of the war, and will sadly derange matters at relief headquarters.

Friday is the last day of grace. At the expiration of the extension of time, all must have become citizens of the United States or subjects of a disordered, stared-out, dis-united "Government." Those foolish people who choose the later course, must register their names with Col. Martin, before Wednesday night. Be thoughtful before it is too late. Less than sixty people have registered their names for a starved-out land. Twenty-one, however, have changed their minds, and the would-be martyrs in a lost cause are now citizens of the United States. All honor to General Mitchell.

Nashville Daily Press, May 4, 1863

          4, "All that Gen. Reynolds got the credit of doing in the McMinnville expedition, was done by me." Colonel John T. Wilder's letter home to his wife in Indiana

Murfreesboro, Tenn.

May 4, 1863

Dear Pet,

Your welcome letter reached me yesterday, you do not write often enough, it makes but little difference to you whether I write or not, as you can hear by the papers anything of interest that I do, while I never get a word from the dear ones at home, except you write me – I am, at last doing something towards putting down this infernal rebellion. All that Gen. Reynolds got the credit for doing in the McMinnville expedition, was done by me. He was not within 10 miles of there, or of an enemy on the trip – my command took every prisoner (over 200) and destroyed all the rebel property that was destroyed – We are doing more real work than the entire army besides – we were gone 11 days and marched over 50 miles a day the entire time – Gen. Rosecrans says we beat anything he has known of. We captured 678 mules & horses on the trip.

I have heard nothing from Boyer about our house – wish he would write me – has the ends of the weather boarded burned – if they are, it is not worth while to rebuild of wood and I shall try to build what ever is done of brick. You cannot realize how lonesome it seems to feel that I have no home to go back to – My health is first rate again – I had a very bad cold, when Mr. Forsyth was here it was the first I had had this winter. I was very much pleased to see Messrs. Forsyth& Ross. I am truly proud to class such men as my friends – Am very sorry that some of the Confederates are behaving so badly – am glad that I am not at home, I fear I should do some foolish & violent thing. I could not stand still and hear my brave companions abused by the open sympathizers of our common enemy. My blood is too thin to not run in madness at such traitorous scoundrels – I got a letter from my father, his arm is not yet well, the rest of the family are well, I have but little of interest to write, the newspaper are full of all that is worth relating – the Rebel army have wound up within 15 miles of here. I do not think they intend to attack us. I wish they would, for we have the strongest fortifications on the continent, and plenty of supplies here – the rebels no doubt outnumber us, but our fortifications makes us more than double in strength, I shall apply in the morning for permission to make an attempt to get in the rear of the rebels, with my Brigade. If allowed to do so I can destroy their Rail Road, and perhaps destroy an amount of stores and transportation for them. I intend making it hot for them, while I remain in the service is allowed to do so – I wish you would have Boyer write me what he will do about the house I am anxious have it decided what I am to do about rebuilding – now do write me twice a week, you do not know how disappointed I am on returning from a scout and not finding a letter from you on my return, I think I shall try "David's" tactics on you, and begin to scold if you do not write oftener,-I wish you would have the children's likenesses taken separate in vignette and your own also and send them to me. I have no likeness of either of you that is good at all, and I feel almost neglected and alone – have them taken on large enough so all the features will de distinct, about the same as the amber type (?) of yours that I used to have – I have moved out of the house into tents since I learned that you would not come to see me – almost every officer in my position here who has a wife has had them here on a visit this spring – Mrs. Lilly is here yet, her child is not dead, and has no sickness except that consequent on teething – now do write me often it is perfectly safe for you to do so, there being no danger, either from sickness or accidents by cause of writing – Dear Pet my being a little out of patience at your not having come to see me, and your not writing oftener. I have got the blues a little to night, am homesick a little – good bye, and believe me as ever your faithful husband.

John T. Wilder

P.S. Do write

Wilder Collection.

          4, Skirmishing and observations on the transition to dog tents in Murfreesboro.


May 4, 1863

Dear friends,

We are all well as usual. Nothing of importance has transpired along our lines of late. We were out 5 miles in a scout (that is, our Brigade was out) and stayed out there 3 or 4 days. We did not meet any enemy, but our pickets could hear their drums. We suppose they were about 6 miles in advance of us, but we did not deem it important to go any farther from there, considering the position of the rebs. Yesterday I was compelled drop my letter writing until we had torn down our large tents and put up our dog tents. The little shelters we term dog tents are large enough for 2 men. Jim and I roost together as usual. We have been pardners since we were at Bacon Creek. John Bill & Chris Grundy tent together, Frank Burkhardt and Bob Black together, Burcksted & Henderson together, Ike Van & Hale bunk together. That comprises mess one, as we stand in our shoes. George is one of the Co. cooks and nests in the cook tent. I can stand in any of the streets of the tented city and look over the roofs of the entire place. The little domicil occupied by my pardner and self is about 6 feet by 5 on ground, 14 inches high at the eaves and 4 1/2 feet at the peak. Our bunk occupies one side, leaving about 18 inches at the foot. There we stough away our haversacks, canteens, and cartidge boxes. At the side of the bed we glory in 20 inches of space. There stands a black junk bottle with a candle stuck in it, also a little shelf made of a piece of clapboard. This is a general deposit for all sorts of trash. Our rifles rest on either side of us, they being our wives and business companion as a matter of course occupy the same perch.

It is wet today and Jim and I are in our bunk taking it easy. I am writeing on a novelette and Jim is devouring the contents of another. I suppose you would think these rather slim quarters, but we like them. We have been furnished with oil cloths lately, so if we hapen to be caught in the rain on a march or in duty, we have something to keep out the water.

~ ~ ~

Bob Buffum arrived here a few days ago, glad enough to see the old mess once more and we in return as happy to see him. He is somewhat under the weather yet. I shall be on brigade camp guard tomorrow.

I would not be angry if I could give you a call and see the folks eat a little of your extra feed. The boys luxuriate on eggs at 60, 70, etc. per doz, the investment of shin plaster in them rather paperafies them. Sometimes half of them are rotten, otherwise all of them are.

Write soon.

Liberty P. Warner

Warner Papers[9].





          4, "Inspection by the Health Commissioner"

For several days past this officer has been engaged looking into the condition of the streets, yards, open lots, etc., of the city, for the purpose of informing himself concerning the existence of decayed matter and filth, which had come to his knowledge through the reports of those who have interested themselves in the furtherance of the work, to the carrying on of which he has been appointed. According to this gentleman's statement, we are informed that the amount of foul and injurious matter existing in different portions of the city is much greater than at first supposed, even by those who were most capable of judging. The condition of many back yards, and alley leading therefrom, is represented as demanding immediate attention; also the condition of the vacant grounds in the outskirts of the town-the custom which has heretofore existed of depositing quantities of filth, and not unfrequently the bodies of dead animals in the bayou-also is represented as eliciting due notice. In one alley alone, just beyond South street, the carcasses of seventeen horses were found unburied, and rendering the air of the entire neighborhood obnoxious and unhealthful. Nor is this reported as an isolated instance, by any means, of the negligence which has heretofore existed in the removal of filth and carrion beyond the corporation limits, and those whose lookout it is to see to the remedying of this have already had sufficient notice given to render them punishably culpable if such negligence continues, and the city police will have their hands full if such parties do not immediately look to the condition of their premise. Mr. Underwood, who has received the appointment of Commissioner, is a gentleman who will not let any instance, such as we have just mentioned, escape his notice, and there is but one course left to every good citizen-that of immediate observance of the orders which have been issued by Doctor Burke.

Memphis Bulletin, May 4, 1864.

          4, Funeral services for Little Clark, in Nashville

A death in the house. Little Clark, the only son of Rev. E. P. Smith, aged three and a half years, died last night. It is a sad affliction. The disease, decline from measles. The funeral service was held in the parlor….His body was embalmed and is to be sent to the Sabbath school of the parish, over which Mr. S. presided, at Pepperill, Massachusetts.

To me it seems strangely touching-this trusting of the precious remains to the chances of travel, and so many miles away….

He was laid out in a child's military suit of light blue, with star-flowers, snow drops, rose-buds, and leaves of the rose geranium. It was a sweetly sacred bequest to the Sabbath School.

Powers, Pencillings, p. 72.

          4, "I am confident over half the people of this sections are thieves and robbers – that is the males." Williamson Younger's comments on lawlessness in Carroll County

I am quite unwell, pain in my breast and head, bad cough, considerable matter from my lungs. I am confident over half the people of this section are thieves and robbers – that is the males. I have been robbed heavily, especially in the way of work horses and mules. I am sorry to have to say it, but it is so. I found no one willing to assist me to recover my stolen mules, except John Craig, Sr., and his son John. They seemed to be willing to do all they could for me. Of course, I only tried them that claimed to be on the same side of the robbers claimed to be on. I don't mean the robbers are all on one side. There are robbers on both sides as pretext. This section has suffered much the worst [sic] from the Fed. Robbers, Dr. Smith's gang, Capt. Holt's company and Harris['] men. I learn that Capt. Parkersons, Col Hezzers, Capt. Pens and Capt. Gooch's Rebel Companies [sic] have done considerable damage to the citizens in some sections.

"Younger Diary."

4, Sherman insists upon food conservation for military use only


In the Field, Chattanooga, May 4, 1864--2 p.m.


Nashville, Tenn.:

I have yours and Mr. Spaulding's letters. Instead of ordering the commissaries to sell rations to lessees of plantations and negroes except as laborers and soldiers of the United States, I cannot do it, but on the contrary want that order absolutely and vigorously enforced. If we feed a mouth except soldiers on active duty we are lost. Refugees and negroes of all sorts and kinds not in military use must move to the rear of Nashville, or provide food in some way independent of the railroad.

W. T. SHERMAN, Maj.-Gen.

OR, Ser.. I, Vol. 38, pt. IV, p. 26.

          4, "I do not see why a nigger going about with a revolver threatening to shoot his former master should not be taken in charge." Provost Marshal General, Brigadier General S. P. Carter's Public Relations Dilemma


Mr. David R. Coningham's Despatch.

Knoxville, Tenn., April 23, 1864

General F. P. Carter and the Negroes

There was some little excitement here a few weeks since about the capture of two slave boys. This affair was so twisted as to bring in the name of our worthy Provost Marshal General, Brigadier General Carter, as taking an active part in the proceedings. Two letters have appeared in the New York Tribune, from their correspondent here, on the subject. These have been copied into other journals, and General Carter's official character roughly handled. In self-defence General Carter sent his official correspondence with General Schofield-in which the part he has take in the transaction has been fully explained-to the Tribune for insertion. So far As I am aware they have not published it. I now enclose a copy to your, and repeat that, in the strictest spirit of fair play and justice, you will give it insertion; and I will do the same. I have fully inquired into the case and I find that the General has acted in the affair just as if two white citizens were concerned. I do not see why a nigger going about with a revolver threatening too shoot his former master should not be taken in charge. We have had sufficient evidence here a few days since of how hey carry their threats into execution, wherein a colored soldier deliberately shot a white one.-

Office Provost Marshal General, East Tennessee,

Knoxville, Tenn., March 26, 1864.

Major J. A. Campbell, Assistant Adjutant General:-

Major-In compliance with instructions from department headquarters, in an endorsement on a letter signed "Elias Smith, Volunteer Aid De Camp, Brigadier General Hascall's staff," on the subject of ordering the arrest of a mulatto boy, named Bob, for aiding his brother Jim to escape from the house of Mr. William Heiskill, I have the honor to submit the following:

A few mornings since Mr. Heiskill came to my office and stated that the last of his servants had left him, that he was without any help and some of them were about town living in idleness. I told him I had no jurisdiction in the matter, and could give him no assistance, but would give him a note to General Tillison stating the case, &c.

I heard nothing more of the matter until yesterday afternoon (after four o'clock), when Mr. Heiskill came to the office with two persons, who were introduced as Mr. White and Mr. Pierce. Mr. Heiskill reported that his life was threatened by a mulatto boy, who had been his body servant named "Bob Heiskill," that he received his information from Mr. White. The latter stated that this boy, in company with other negroes, while standing near the corner of the street, and said he intended to shoot Mr. Heiskill while on his way from his office to his home, and if he failed to do so at that time, he would kill him after he got home. I wrote a note to the city Provost Marshal directing him to arrest the negro boy named Bob for threatening to take the life of his former master and to hold him in the guardhouse until the matter could be investigated. I also sent a verbal order to the sergeant of the escort to send two or three men to Mr. Heiskill's house to guard it, so as to prevent any assault on the owner by the boy Bob. The city Provost Marshal reported to me today that he arrested  "Bob Heiskill," last night and found him armed with a revolver. The above is a statement of my entire connection with and knowledge of the affair. I never sent men of my escort to arrest slaves or those claimed as slaves. I knew nothing of the existence of such a boy as "Jim," nor of his confinement in the house of Mr. Heiskill, nor off his ill treatment, nor that the boy "Bob" was the servant of an officer, until I learned the facts through Mr. Smith's letter and partly from another party to day. The arrest of "Bob" was ordered simply on account of his reported threat to take the life of Mr. Heiskill, and for no other reason. He was not arrested as a slave nor is he held as one. A white man would have dealt with in exactly the same way. I will state that I have never yet a military or any other force to apprehend slaves and turn them over to their claimants. If men of my escort were engaged last night or at any other time, searching for the boy "Bob" or any other negro, they did so without any orders from me.

I am respectfully,

S. P. Carter, B. G. & P. M. G of East Tenn.

New York Herald, May 4, 1864. [10]




          4, One Federal Colonel's concerns about the conduct and character of the Sixth Tennessee [U. S.] Cavalry in East Tennessee: an excerpt from a memorandum to Major-General G. H. Thomas


Maj. Gen. G. H. THOMAS, U. S. Army:

GEN.: The following is a memorandum of the information conveyed to you verbally this morning by myself:

* * * *

The Sixth Tennessee and First Georgia are, in Gen. Steedman's opinion, utterly worthless. My own observation of the first named confirms this opinion. They are simply cowardly thieves-useless, except to keep a community embroiled and encourage guerrillas by running from them whenever attacked. Gen. Steedman urges that they be turned over to the State authorities of Tennessee and replaced by good cavalry. My own impression is that good infantry, by waylaying the roads and ambushing the guerrillas, will do more effective service against guerrillas than cavalry. If the guerrillas fight the cavalry must always dismount to fight them, and if they run they are so much better mounted than the best of our cavalry that they cannot be caught, and can only be suppressed by beating them at their own game. Infantry can haunt roads for them which cavalry cannot march, and while cavalry will leave a broad trail, which will inevitably discover them, infantry can be marched so as to leave no track which these fellows will notice.

The men who are employed about Chattanooga as scouts, guides, and spies, are, as a rule, thieves, and accompany troops who go out from there simply for the chances to plunder. They have most of them been residents of the country, and constantly mislead officers in regard to the character of citizens with whom they are brought in contact by allowing some private wrong or quarrel to influence their statements in regard to them. A few good men who know the country, and are used simply as guides, will answer the purpose much better than the heterogeneous trash now going under the name of department and provost-marshal scouts and guides. The conduct of these men serves only to embitter the people and prolong the continuance of guerrilla practices. In this connection Gen. Wofford mentioned to me particularly the names of Col. Woody and Capt. Lillard, at or near Cleveland, and claiming to be acting under Federal authority, and who had committed many outrages upon peaceable citizens in that vicinity.

* * * *

LEWIS MERRILL, Col., U. S. Volunteers.

OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, pp. 605-607.

          4, Unsuccessfully Counseling a Freedman to Return to His Former Situation. An Extract from the Diary of Eliza Rhea Anderson Fain

~ ~ ~

My heart has had another trial today in regards to Africa's poor child. About noon I was down about the stable giving some directions about a hog diseased when a Negro man came up, I did not know at first who he was but soon found out it was the last man belonging to Mr. David Lyons left on the place (Dave). I had some dinner prepared for him, as he was eating I talked to him and found out he had turned his back upon his home to seek for himself another place. My heart was troubled. I advised him to go back to his mistress and see if she would be willing to feed and clothe him and his family as she had done, for him to agree to it that he had never known what trouble ;was until his little children would begin to cry for bread and he would have none to give them. I thought O the misery and wretchedness which this war has entailed upon these sable sons and daughters of the once fair, beautiful and sunny South. I just felt God will visit the destroyers of their peace with sorer judgments that they have ever felt. I could not prevail on him to go back. He said he would go to town and look around and see what he could do.

~ ~ ~

Fain Dairy.

          4-5, Pacification, anti-insurgent expedition, Memphis to Fulton, Ripley, Brownsville

No circumstantial reports filed.

HDQRS. DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE, Memphis, Tenn., May 4, 1865.

Maj. DAVIS, Cmdg. Detachment Eleventh Illinois Cavalry:

You will proceed this evening with a detachment of 100 men from your regiment on board the steamer Marble City to Fulton, where you will debark and march at 4 o'clock in the morning of the 5th from the latter place for Brownsville via Ripley. You will endeavor to surprise and capture any rebels or guerrillas there may be either at Brownsville or Ripley. At Brownsville you will establish a military post and give the people to understand that you have come there for their protection and to aid them in organizing, so that they may protect themselves. You will see that there is no marauding or plundering in the country, and should it become necessary to procure provisions and forage in the country, and should it become necessary to procure provisions and forage in the country, proper vouchers will be given for the same. Report to me through Col. Shanks as often as there is opportunity. Endeavor by every means in your power to encourage the people to organize for their own protection and defense, being strictly cautious not to allow your men to straggle or to expose themselves to be captured or picked off by bushwhackers. You will place two days' rations and ten days' forage aboard the steamer Panola, in charge of two men of the detachment, who will also take aboard with them their own horses. You will instruct those people in the country, to whom vouchers may be given, to present them during the present month for settlement.

C. C. WASHBURN, Maj.-Gen.

OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, p. 613.


[1] Amanda McDowell, Diary of Amanda McDowell, ed Lela McDowell Blankenship, 1943, W. J. McDowell, 1987 (Richard R. Smith: NY, 1943: rpt., W. J. McDowell, 2ed., McDowell Publications; Utica, Ky, 1988). [Hereinafter: Diary of Amanda McDowell.] All entries are date specific unless otherwise noted.

[2] As cited in:

[3] Not found.

[4] Harriet Beecher Stowe, Uncle Tom's Cabin.

[5] At the Battle of Waterloo, British Commander Lord Wellington, whose fortunes had been reversed by Napoleon's forces, anticipated a the possibility of defeat unless his Prussian allies, led by Field Marshal Gebhard von Blucher, or nightfall, would arrive. Wellington was said to have looked at his watch and exclaim, "Blucher or night." Shortly thereafter Blucher appeared to save the day for the allies.

[6] Listed neither in Dyer's Battle Index for Tennessee nor the OR.

[7] Dyer's Battle Index for Tennessee calls this "Skirmish near Nashville."

[8] Perhaps "General" Harding of Belle Meade.

[9] Center for Archival Collections Liberty Warner Papers Transcripts: April-December 1862


[10] As cited in PQCW.


James B. Jones, Jr.

Public Historian

Tennessee Historical Commission

2941 Lebanon Road

Nashville, TN  37214

(615)-770-1090 ext. 123456

(615)-532-1549  FAX


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