Saturday, April 4, 2015

4.4.2015 Tennessee Civil War Notes

        4, Wife beater fined in Memphis
Wife Whipper.—Mister Pat Donnelly, who lives in South Memphis, near the No. 7's engine house, which is on DeSoto street between Beal and Linden streets, had the bravery to whip his wife the other night. The recorder had not the lofty spirit that looks upon woman-whipping as an act of bravery, and he charged Pat twenty-five dollars for his chivalric act. What a shame that was!
Memphis Daily Appeal, April 4, 1861.
        4, "Poor Julianna—poor Magdalen, who not only with the frowns of those who were of her sex—stood up for the ill-used wife, and the ______ man shot her, killed her because she said a word for an oppressed, injured sister." Murder of a prostitute in Memphis
Another Murder.—Susan Striker, who was shot in the bosom on Saturday night by Charles Burton, died yesterday [4th]. Her real name was Julianna Johnson. It is a fact, perhaps not generally known, that the unfortunates who tramp the streets, and attract so much attention from men for a few months, have almost always the true womanly feeling left about them to avoid being known by the names of their pure mothers and chaste sisters. They let the vile herd that seek their society, know them by an appellation that never graced their days of innocence. So it was with poor Julianna. The gem that makes a woman loftier than a throne, she had lost, but she had not parted with all that makes a woman noble. This man, Burton, was abusing and ill-treating his wife. Poor Julianna—poor Magdalen, who not only with the frowns of those who were of her sex—stood up for the ill-used wife, and the ______ man shot her, killed her because she said a word for an oppressed, injured sister. "Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these, ye did unto me." What strange revelations that next world will show! "The first shall be last, and the last shall be first." Poor Julianna, she was among the outcasts, the Pariahs, but she died nobly, vindicating her outraged sex against cowardly outrage. God bless her memory.
Memphis Daily Appeal, April 5, 1861.
        4, Skirmish near Pittsburg Landing
APRIL 4, 1862.-Skirmish near Pittsburg Landing, Tenn.
No. 1.-Maj.-Gen. U. S. Grant, U. S. Army.
No. 2.-Brig. Gen. William T. Sherman, U. S. Army.
No. 3.-Col. Ralph P. Buckland, Seventy-Second Ohio Infantry.
No. 4.-Maj. Elbridge G. Ricker, Fifth Ohio Cavalry.
No. 5.-Maj.-Gen. William J. Hardee, C. S. Army.
No. 1.
Report of Maj.-Gen. U. S. Grant, U. S. Army.
GEN.: Just as my letter of yesterday to Capt. McLean, assistant adjutant-general, was finished, notes from Gen.'s McClernand's an Sherman's assistant adjutant-general were received, stating that our outposts had been attacked by the enemy, apparently in considerable force. I immediately went up, but found all quiet. The enemy took 2 officers and 4 or 5 of our men prisoners and wounded 4. We took 8 prisoners and killed several number of the enemy wounded not known. They had with them three pieces of artillery and cavalry and infantry. How much cannot of course be estimated.
I have scarcely the faintest idea of an attack (general one) being made upon us, but will be prepared should such a thing take place. Gen. Nelson's division has arrived. The other two of Gen. Buell's column will arrive to-morrow and next day. It is my present intention to send them to Hamburg, some 4 miles above Pittsburg, when they all get here. From that point to Corinth the road is good, and a junction can be formed with the troops from Pittsburg at almost any point.
Col. McPherson has gone with an escort to-day to examine the defensibility of the ground about Hamburg, and to lay out the position of the camps if advisable to occupy that place.
I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
U. S. GRANT, Maj.-Gen.
Maj.-Gen. H. W. HALLECK, Cmdg. Department of the Mississippi, Saint Louis, Mo.
No. 2.
Report of Brig. Gen. William T. Sherman, U. S. Army.
HDQRS. FIFTH DIVISION, Camp Shiloh, Tenn., April 5, 1862.
SIR: I have the honor to report that yesterday about 3 p. m. it was reported to me that the lieutenant commanding and 7 men of the advance pickets had imprudently advanced from their posts and were captured. I ordered Maj. Ricker, of the Fifth Ohio Cavalry, to proceed rapidly to the picket station, ascertain the truth, and act according to circumstances. He reached the station, found the pickets had been captured as reported, and that a company of infantry sent by the brigade commander had gone forward in pursuit of some cavalry. He rapidly advanced some 2 miles and found them engaged; charged the enemy, and drove them along the ridge road until he met and received three discharges of artillery, when he very properly wheeled under cover and returned till he met me. As soon as I heard artillery I advanced with two regiments of infantry and took position and remained until the scattered companies of infantry and cavalry returned. This was after night. I infer that the enemy is in some considerable force at Pea Ridge; that yesterday morning they crossed a brigade of two regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, and one battery of field artillery to the ridge on which the Corinth road lays. They halted the infantry and artillery at a point about 5 miles in my front, and sent a detachment to the lane of Gen. Meeks, on the north of Owl Creek, and the cavalry down towards our camps. This cavalry captured a part of our advance pickets and afterwards engaged the two companies of Col. Buckland's regiment, as described by him in his report, herewith inclosed. Our cavalry drove them back upon their artillery and infantry, killing many and bringing off 10 prisoners (all of the First Alabama Cavalry), whom I send to you.
We lost of the picket: 1 first lieutenant and 7 men of the Seventieth Ohio Infantry, taken prisoners; 1 major, 1 lieutenant, and 1 private of the Seventy-second Ohio taken prisoners, and 8 privates wounded.
Names of all embraced in report of Col. Buckland, inclosed herewith. We took 10 prisoners, and left 2 wounded and many killed on the field.
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,
W. T. SHERMAN, Brig.-Gen., Cmdg. Division.
Capt. JOHN A. RAWLINS, A. A. G., District of West Tennessee.
No. 3.
Report of Col. Ralph P. Buckland, Seventy-second Ohio Infantry.
HDQRS. FOURTH BRIGADE, Camp Shiloh, April 5, 1862.
SIR: I make the following report of the affair of yesterday:
About 2.30 p. m. I went out to the field where Maj. Crockett was drilling the Seventy-second Regt. [sic] Just as I reached the field quite a brisk firing commenced on the left of our pickets. I directed Maj. Crockett to march the regiment around that way to camp, and I rode ahead to ascertain what the firing meant. I found that Lieut. W. H. Herbert, of the Seventieth Ohio Volunteer, and 6 guards under him had been taken prisoners. I sent Lieut. Geer to inform Col. Cockerill, and request the colonel to report the fact to Gen. Sherman. Maj. Crockett had directed Company B, Seventy-second Regt. [sic], to bear off to the right of our picket line as skirmishers. After reaching the house where the guard was I directed the major to take Company H and meet Company B, leaving the balance of the regiment at the house. Lieut. Geer returned and informed me that Gen. Sherman would sent out 100 cavalry. I returned to camp, supposing that Maj. Crockett would soon follow me with the regiment. After remaining some time I concluded to ride back. When I reached the house Maj. Crockett had not returned, but constant firing was heard in the direction he had taken. I took about 100 men of Companies A, D, and I, and marched in the direction of the firing, supposing it not to be far off, and that Maj. Crockett and his men were surrounded by rebel cavalry. We had proceeded some distance when we met some men of Company H, who informed me that Maj. Crockett was probably taken prisoners, and that Companies B and H were separated. The firing continued, not rapid but pretty regular, which led me to the conclusion that Company B was surrounded and were defending themselves against cavalry. We pushed on at double-quick, notwithstanding the severe storm. I rode some distance ahead of the men, and discovered the enemy, as I supposed, about to make a charge. They charged, and Company B returned the charge, as Capt. Raymond has since informed me. My men came up most gallantly and opened a destructive fire upon the enemy, who soon retired to an open space and commenced forming. I had changed the front of my line to correspond, when our cavalry came up the enemy fled. The cavalry pursued, and we followed until it was ascertained that the enemy were in force a short distance ahead, when we returned, in company with the cavalry.
Capt. Raymond, Company B, informs me that they had been surrounded by the enemy more than an hour, first by about 100 or 150, and that just before I came up they were re-enforced to about 400, and were all ready to charge when my men commenced firing upon them. Capt. Raymond's men fired about 15 rounds. He had with him Adjutant Rawson, Sergeant-Maj. Engle, Lieut.'s Buckland and Fisher, of Company B, and Lieut. Crary, of the Forty-sixth Ohio Volunteers, who went along from the drill ground, and 41 non-commissioned officers and men. All behaved with great coolness and bravery.
Company H also had a severe fight with rebel cavalry. They were attacked after they had commenced retreating. Maj. Crockett became separated from the company, and is undoubtedly taken prisoner; also Lieut. Geer, of the Forty-eighth, who, it seems, joined Crockett after I left for camp. It is not known that any of our men were killed, but Sergts. Andrew Unkle and Philip Fertiz are missing, supposed to be prisoners. I annex a list of wounded and missing. A considerable number of the enemy were killed both by Company B and the men under my charge. Quite a number of dead bodies were seen as we passed over the ground. The men under my charge took 8 prisoners, and Capt. Raymond brought 2 wounded rebels from the field and left them at a house near our line of wounded and missing. List of wounded and missing in Seventy-second Regt. [sic] Ohio Volunteers:
    ………. W M
Officers.............………….. . .. 1
Non-commissioned officers. . .. 1
Enlisted men.........………... . 8 1
Total................…………… . 8 3
Lieut. Geer, of the Forty-eighth, acting aide, is missing. I have not received the names of the missing men of the Seventieth Ohio Volunteers.
Your obedient servant,
R. P. BUCKLAND, Col., Cmdg. Fourth Brigade.
WILLIAM T. SHERMAN, Cmdg. Fifth Division.
No. 4.
Report of Maj. Elbridge G. Ricker, Fifth Ohio Cavalry.
HDQRS. SECOND BATT., FIFTH REGT. OHIO VOL. CAV., Pittsburg, Tenn., April 4, [?] 1862.
In accordance with the order issued to me at 2.30 p. m. of said day (to proceed with 150 men to look for Maj. Crockett, a lieutenant, and 5 or 6 men, who had wandered outside the pickets and were supposed to be lost or captured) we reached the pickets about 3.30 o'clock, and learned that Col. Buckland was out with two companies of infantry. We moved on for about 2 miles, when we heard considerable firing on our right. Knowing the ground, I at once ordered two the rear, while I moved against his flank with two other companies. We found a large cavalry force slowly retiring before Col. Buckland and his command. There is a strip of fallen timber at this point that retarded our movements very much for a short time. As soon as our men were clear of this obstacle they dashed on to the enemy, scattering them in every direction and pursuing them some 300 or 400 yards. When passing the brow of a hill our advance was opened on by three or four pieces of artillery, at least two regiments of infantry, and a large cavalry force. So near was our advance to this line of battle of the enemy that one of our men was carried within the enemy's lines by his horse and captured, while another shot one of their gunners down at his gun. Two of our men lost their carbines at this point. I then ordered my command to fall back about 200 yards, bringing a piece of high ground between us and the enemy.
Col. Buckland coming up at this time with his command, we formed and retired in good order, bringing off 9 prisoners. Not less than 20 of the enemy were left dead; also a number of horses were killed and wounded, among which was the horses of the lieutenant-colonel of the First Alabama Cavalry. We brought off his saddle and equipments.
I must return thanks to officers and men for the manner in which they conducted themselves in presence of a force at least ten times their number.
I acknowledge God's mercy in protecting our men under the terrible fire poured upon us by the enemy in the opening fight of the great battle of Pittsburg.
Nine wounded prisoners were brought in at night, making in all 18.
E. G. RICKER, Maj. Second Battalion, Fifth Regt. [sic] Ohio Volunteer Cavalry.
Co. W. H. H. TAYLOR.
No. 5.
Report of Maj.-Gen. William J. Hardee, C. S. Army.
CAMP NEAR MICKEY'S, April 4, 1862.
GEN.: The cavalry and infantry of the enemy attacked Col. Clanton's regiment, which was posted, as I before informed you, about 500 or 600 yards in advance of my lines. Col. Clanton retired, and the enemy's cavalry followed until they came near our infantry and artillery, when they were gallantly repulsed with slight loss.
Very respectfully,
W. J. HARDEE, Maj.-Gen.
Gen. BRAXTON BRAGG, Chief of Staff.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 10, pt. I, pp. 89-93.
        4, Skirmish at Lawrenceburg
APRIL 4, 1862.-Skirmish at Lawrenceburg, Tenn.
Report of Brig. Gen. Milo S. Hascall, U. S. Army.
HDQRS. FIFTEENTH BRIGADE, ARMY OF THE OHIO, Field of Shiloh, April 12, 1862.
Agreeably to the order of Gen. Wood, I proceeded on the morning of the 4th instant from our camp, 23 miles beyond Waynesborough and about 60 miles from this place, with two regiments of my brigade, to wit, the Twenty-sixth Ohio and the Seventeenth Indiana, together with a detachment of about 600 of the Third Ohio Cavalry, under Lieut.-Col. Murray, of that regiment, and marched for Lawrenceburg. The general had been informed that about 500 of the enemy's cavalry were at that point, with the intention of making a descent upon our train after the troops had passed. My instructions were to proceed cautiously to Lawrenceburg, a distance of about 14 miles from our camp, and capture the enemy, if possible, and to disperse him at all events. It happened that the day was very rainy and exceedingly bad for the infantry to make the march, on account of the swollen streams and mud. I proceeded very cautiously, leaving a couple of cavalry at every house we passed, to prevent any one taking information there we had to pass over a succession of hills, in full view of the town, so that further precaution in this respect was useless.
By this time I had learned that there were not more than from 50 to 100 cavalry there at furthest, and being desirous of saving the infantry as much as possible for the forced march that was still before them, before reaching this point I ordered the infantry to halt, and, after getting their dinner, to return to the camp they left in the morning and join the other two regiments of my brigade. I then proceeded with the cavalry as fast as the roads would permit, and, when getting within about one-fourth of a mile from town, ordered a charge upon the town, which was splendidly executed by Lieut.-Col. Murray at the head of his men. I learned that there were 50 to 75 cavalry in town, but as soon as they observed our approach put themselves in readiness to leave. They left principally in the direction of Florence and Mount Pleasant, and, their horses being fresh, but few could be overtaken, though they were pursued some 8 miles in both directions by our cavalry. Two of the enemy were severely wounded, as evidenced by the blood upon their horses which fell into our hands. The result of the expedition was the breaking up of the secession rendezvous at that point, the capture of 6 cavalry horses and saddles, about 4,000 pounds of fine bacon, a dozen or two shot-guns and squirrel rifles, and 2 drums.
I take great pleasure in reporting that a strong Union sentiment seemed to pervade the whole country through which we passed going and returning, my command being everywhere received (except at Lawrenceburg) with every demonstration of joy and treated with the utmost kindness and consideration.
Fearing that that portion of the rebel cavalry that fled toward Mount Pleasant might be part of a large band in that direction and might seriously embarrass, if not capture, portions of our train, I dispatched Maj. Foster, of the cavalry, with two companies, to scout the country as far as Mount Pleasant, and then to join his regiment at Savannah; since which time I have received two tidings from him, but presume he has joined his regiment some time since. The remainder of the cavalry, with myself and staff, bivouacked near Lawrenceburg the night of the 4th, and having procured wagons in the neighborhood with which to transport the captured bacon, started early the next morning, and about noon overtook the infantry of my brigade, who were en route for this place. The next day (6th) we began to hear the fire of the gunboats, and presuming an engagement had taken place, we took three days' rations in our haversacks, and leaving our train in charge of the brigade quartermaster, with a sufficient guard, we pushed ahead by forced marches, and made our way to Savannah and Pittsburg Landing at 12 o'clock on the night of the 7th, and early the next morning I had my whole brigade in its present position, in the advance, ready to fight the enemy should he again attack, or for any other duty that might be assigned it.
When the general considers that two regiments of my brigade thus made a detour some 30 miles out of the way, and that for 20 miles back of Savannah the road was completely blockaded by the teams of the other divisions of Gen. Buell's army that had preceded his own, and that notwithstanding all this my brigade arrived on the battle-field only twelve hours after the other rations of his division, I think he will unite with me in saying that it is entitled to as much credit as any that took part in the glorious achievements of the 6th and 7th instant. This latter part concerning the march after the affair at Lawrenceburg, though not strictly speaking part of this report, I have nevertheless thought that justice to my brigade, under all circumstances, demanded this statement from me in this connection, and its indorsement by the general commanding the division, who is aware of all the circumstances.
It is proper for me to add here that in all my operations after being detached for the Lawrenceburg affair to the time of my arrival here I received most efficient aid and co-operation from all my field and staff officers.
All of which is respectfully submitted.
MILO S. HASCALL, Brig.-Gen., Cmdg. Fifteenth Brigade.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 10, pt. I, pp. 87-89.
        April 4, 1862, On the road from Murfreesboro to Shelbyville; an Ohio officer's impressions of Middle Tennessee
Resumed the march at seven o'clock in the morning, the Third [Regiment] in advance. At one place on the road a young negro [sic], perhaps eighteen years old, broke from his hiding in the woods, and with hat in hand and a broad grin on his face, came running to me. "Massa," said he, "I wants to go wid you." "I am sorry, my boy, that I can not take you. I am not permitted to do it." The light went out in the poor fellow's eyes in a moment, and, putting on his slouch hat, he went away sorrowful enough. It seems cruel to turn our backs on these, our only friends. If a dog came up wagging his tail at sight of us, we could not help liking him better than the master, who not only looks sullen and cross at our approach, but in his heart desires our destruction.
As we approach the Alabama line we find fewer, but handsomer houses; larger plantations, and negroes [sic] more numerous. We saw droves of women working in the fields. When their ears caught the first notes of the music, they would drop the hoe and come running to the road, their faces all aglow with pleasure. May we not hope that their darkened minds caught glimpses of the sun and a better life, now rising for them?
* * * *
We entered Shelbyville at noon. There were more Union people here than at Murfreesboro, and we saw many glad faces as we marched through the streets. The band made the sky ring with music, and the regiment deported splendidly. One old woman clapped her hands and thanked heaven that we had come at last. Apparently almost wild with joy, she shouted after us, "God be with you!"
We went into camp on [the] Duck river, one mile from town.
Beatty, Citizen Soldier, pp. 124-125.
        4, "Reported Skirmish."
We have reports of a skirmish between the pickets and the contending force on the Tennessee river, on Friday [4th] afternoon, in which it is said a number of prisoners were captured by both parties and a few wounded. Nothing definite as to the result has reached the city.
Memphis Appeal, April 6, 1862.
        4, Skirmish on Nonconnah Creek, near Memphis
APRIL 4, 1863.-Skirmish on Nonconnah Creek, near Memphis, Tenn.
No. 1.-Maj. Gen. Stephen A. Hurlbut, U. S. Army, commanding Sixteenth Army Corps.
No. 2.-Brig. Gen. James R. Chalmers, C. S. Army, commanding district.
No. 1.
Report of Maj. Gen. Stephen A. Hurlbut, U. S. Army, commanding Sixteenth Army Corps.
MEMPHIS, TENN., April 4, 1863.
SIR: Brig. Gen. L. Thomas, Adjutant-Gen., is here on a tour of inspection. I am gratified that so far as he has seen or expressed an opinion it is favorable.
There has been a small picket affair on the line of the Nonconnah to-day, not yet over. Our cavalry pickets (Second Wisconsin) were struck about daylight, 2 men wounded and 2 captured. Col. Stephens (Second Wisconsin), with about 100 men, pursued, crossed the Nonconnah, and drove their pickets 6 miles, when, finding the enemy in force, about from 600 to 800 cavalry and dismounted men, and hearing of a battery, he fell back. I immediately ordered Lauman's First Brigade (four regiments and a battery) forward, and pushed two battalions of the Fifth Ohio Volunteer Cavalry over the Nonconnah. I have not yet heard from them, nor do I think the enemy will wait for an attack. I think it was a ruse to draw a portion of our cavalry out and surround them. If they come in before the boat leaves, I will report further, but I think this is all. I scarcely believe that Chalmers would venture infantry and artillery so near us, and think it is only a dash of mounted men.
Your obedient servant,
S. A. HURLBUT, Maj.-Gen.
No. 2.
Report of Brig. Gen. James R. Chalmers, C. S. Army, commanding District.
SENATOBIA, April 5, 1863.
I hope the orders will not take Maj. [W. M.] Inge from me. He is now east of my line, but about ready to bring his command here.
We drove the enemy's pickets within 5 miles of Memphis. Killed 1, wounded several; captured 2, with horses and equipments complete. They came out afterward, but, finding us ready, did not advance.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 24, pt. I, p. 512.
        4, Capture of Federal soldiers at Starnes' Mill
No circumstantial reports filed.
CHAPEL HILL, April 5, 1863--8 p. m.
Lieut.-Gen. POLK, Shelbyville, Tenn.:
GEN.: My scouts have just returned from College Grove. They report that Col. [J. W.] Starnes captured a party of the enemy at Starnes' Mill yesterday evening. The enemy were in line of battle at College Grove nearly all day. Col. Starnes, who camped there last night, retired this morning. Scouts entered the town about half an hour after the enemy left, and reported their number between 300 and 500.
No infantry crossed the river.
JOSIAH PATTERSON, Col. Cavalry Regt. [sic]
MRS. GLASCOCK'S, Woodbury Road, April 5, 1863--8.45 p. m.
Maj. D. G. REED, Assistant Adjutant-Gen., and
Maj.-Gen. WHEELER, Cmdg. Cavalry Corps, McMinnville, Tenn.:
I drove in the rear, about 5 p. m., of the force that came out from Woodbury this morning. It proved to be a regiment of infantry, with a small cavalry force, to draw me out into the ambuscade they had prepared.
At that hour (5 p. m.) they had no force on this side of Woodbury. I have information of only one regiment of infantry being at Woodbury. The cavalry force there has gone up the Short Mountain road, probably as high as Smithville. With that information, I moved to this point, with a view to prevent a force coming in my rear from Short Mountain.
I received a dispatch late this morning from Lieut.-Col. [J. M.] Bounds, commanding the Eleventh Texas, stating that that regiment and the Third Confederate, under Lieut.-Col. [W. N.] Estes, were at Jacksborough, and would encamp 3 miles nearer McMinnville than that point, and, if I needed their assistance, they would come here before proceeding to McMinnville.
I would respectfully ask of the major-general to grant me the privilege of taking my own and those two regiments, and go to-morrow morning, by way either of Smithville or by Woodbury, on the Short Mountain road, and see what can be done with the cavalry force that has gone there. I would like to have an immediate answer. I would respectfully ask the major-general to permit me to order Capt. [J. W.] Nichol, Company G, of my command, to my regiment. It is at Bradyville. I would like to have the latest information that you have in reference to Gen. Morgan's position at present. I have a scout out toward the Short Mountain road, and as soon as it comes in I will send you another dispatch. I also have one on the other flank.
I am, major, very respectfully, &c.,
BAXTER SMITH, Col., Cmdg. Fourth Tennessee Cavalry.
P. S.-It is impossible for me to give information to the command at Smithville or Liberty of any movements of the enemy under present circumstances, unless they are sent by McMinnville.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23. pt. II, pp. 739-740.
        4, Skirmish at Woodbury
No circumstantial reports filed.
        4, Skirmish on the Lewisburg Pike
HDQRS. COMPANY M, SECOND MICHIGAN CAVALRY, Franklin, Tenn., March 4, 1863.
Brig.-Gen. GILBERT, Cmdg. Forces, Franklin, Tenn.:
SIR: In accordance with a verbal order received from you to-day at noon, requiring me to visit the command of Col. Coburn and notify you of his condition and the probable force of the enemy, I have the honor to submit the following report: I found Col. Coburn and his command about 4 miles from Franklin, on the Columbia pike, on the ground occupied by him during the skirmish a few hours before. I was shown the ground upon which the enemy were drawn up in line before the skirmish; it was between 400 and 500 yards in length. After a short fight, the enemy had been driven from his position in some disorder. Soon after the skirmish, the cavalry, under Col. Jordan, had been sent over to the Lewisburg pike to look after a force said to be there. From what information I can gather, and my own estimate of the enemy's numbers, from the extent of his line, and the ground over which it was drawn up, I do not think there are 1,000 men, all cavalry, and three pieces of artillery.
Col. Jordan reported in person to Col. Coburn, stating that he had found a force on the Lewisburg pike, and left the Second Michigan Cavalry to hold it in check. The command moved forward a mile or more, meeting with no resistance. Col. Coburn said he would go into camp there for the night, as it was then late, and his cavalry was not all in; he was also short of artillery ammunition. He is in a good deal of doubt as to the intentions of the enemy, and not over-confident.
I am, sir, very respectfully,
THOMAS W. JOHNSTON, Capt. Second Michigan Cavalry, Cmdg. Company M
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. I, p. 79.
        4, Report to President Jefferson's office regarding subsistence difficulties of Army of Tennessee
Atlanta, Ga., April 4, 1863.
Col. WM. PRESTON JOHNSTON, Aide-de-Camp to His Excellency President Davis:
* * * *
As you are aware, I have recently visited the Army of Tennessee, and upon my return to this place I made a full report of my observations to the Department at Richmond, and for particulars of said report I refer you to the original, which is now on file in the office of the Commissary-Gen. The substance of this report was that I found the commissaries of that army working with a great deal of energy, and I am encouraged to believe that their success will be such (since the transportation and roads are improving) that the necessity for drawing on the reserves will not be so great as it has been heretofore (during the winter months). I do not hesitate to state that I think the commissaries of the Army of Tennessee are now doing all that it is possible to do in the way of collecting supplies. The most of the subsistence that they are now collecting is being obtained from near and within the enemy's lines; indeed, some of my agents are operating in the rear of the Federal lines, and with much success. Their success, however, is to a great extent attributable to my having furnished them with bank-notes, which were drawing supplies that could not be reached with Confederate Treasury notes, for the reason that the people near and within the enemy's lines cannot use Confederate Treasury notes to any advantage.
Although the people of Middle Tennessee are as loyal and devotedly attached to the South as any people within the Confederacy (indeed, their sacrifices for our cause have been great and heavy, as much as any other section, and in fact much more than many other sections) at the same time those people feel that they have other obligations upon them- those of providing for their families. They are willing to give all their subsistence provided they are paid in currency that will procure subsistence for their wives and children if our Armies should meet with a reverse, and we again be compelled to leave that devoted and loyal people to the mercies of the foul invader. Under these circumstances I did think, and still think, this policy would largely increase our stock of subsistence, which is more valuable to us than even gold or precious jewels. I felt it was a duty we owed that people (having given up as they have the principal part of their subsistence at comparatively low prices) to leave with them a circulation that would obtain for them the necessaries of life if we should be compelled to vacate the country. Unfortunately, as it appears to me, the Secretary of War has a different view of the case and has given an order that bank-notes shall not be used in Tennessee, but may be used in Kentucky. I cannot see why the discrimination should be made against the people of Tennessee, who are nominally in the Federal lines. At any rate, I am satisfied that the refusal of the use of bank-notes in that section of Middle Tennessee that is near or within the enemy's lines will seriously interfere with the collection of supplies. My opinion on this question is, that if bank-notes will procure more subsistence than Treasury notes (in this time of great want), we should use the bank-notes, and if bank-notes will not obtain the supplies and gold will, then we should use the gold.
It is evident to all in authority (those who have investigated the question of subsistence) that our battle against want and starvation is greater than against our enemies; hence I think no stone should be left upturned in this great struggle for subsistence, for, without subsistence, all must admit our Government to be a failure. I think that (although mortifying and humiliating) we are justified in resorting to any and all conceivable modes of obtaining supplies, even, if needs, be to exchange cotton with the enemy for bacon. "Cotton will not answer for subsistence," and I think if we can conceive any plan by which we can exchange cotton for supplies, we should be all means do so. As much as I regret to say it, the necessity is upon us, and requires prompt and energetic action; therefore I respectfully submit for the consideration of the President and others in authority, the necessity and importance of entering at once into negotiations for procuring supplies from the enemy or the friends of the enemy, by exchanging cotton with them. I am assured this can be successfully done; indeed I have, within the last few days, had propositions made by enterprising, responsible, energetic, and loyal parties to undertake, it and have the best of reasons for believing the enterprise will at least partially succeed. In addition to this mode of procuring supplies, much may, and I hope will, be done in bringing supplies from foreign ports. This matter has been presented to and I suppose considered by the Commissary Department. If it meets the sanction and approval of the Administration, I will do what I can in organizing and negotiating for these enterprises. I feel much interest; indeed, I feel that everything depends on the question of subsistence, and I feel the importance of straining every nerve at once and without delay, to increase our present limited and fast decreasing stock of subsistence.
* * * *
I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
[J. F. CUMMING, Maj. and Commissary of Subsistence.]
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. II, pp. 770-772.
        4, False alarm
Yesterday the town was in a perfect panic – the Yankees "in force" were right upon us! When Darlin came about 1 o'clock he said the news was "official" that the Yanks were 6 miles on this side of Woodbury early in the morning and advancing. Smith's rag. [sic] was holding them in check. It was said he had dispatched Wheeler, "For God's sake Gen. Wheeler, send us reinforcements," Gen. W. replied "It is impossible." People were in [a] perfect whirl of excitement – everybody getting away that could. Dr. Reed took off all his negros [sic] and all Mrs. Hills-started for Ga. With 10 minutes warning. Mrs. [Waters] was leaving Mrs. Rowan's and Mrs. R. [sic] – when the Col. applied to her [to] take us to board acceded with the greatest cordiality – telling him to bring us right in. She sent word to me by Mollie about 3 P.M. to "come right on along." Heaven bless her kind heart! At this time news had come that the Yankees were in 12 miles of us – Smith's men still resolutely endeavoring to keep them back. Mollie and I hastily packed our trunks – I putting up my silver, fine books, etc. and all our clothing it was almost dark when the wagon came – we sent off our trunks (a perfect wagon – loaded with my sewing machine and Mollie's guitar. But great gracious! here was all our provisions – my piano and pictures and the furniture of the parlor and front bedroom – all of which I did not feel disposed [to lose], and which I despaired of getting away in time. I made no fuss whatever, but endeavored to think of everything necessary – without excitement. Just at dark news came that the Yanks were "falling back" – Morgan dispatched that he would occupy Liberty last night [4th] the 4th was not in the original and Gen. gave it as his opinion that the enemy would not venture up here at present. As the news was "official" we concluded not to go into town that night but remain until morning. A heavy cavalry picket was stationed on the hill below the "white gate" and is there still. A heavier force is at the branch. I do not know, I am sure, what will be the result of this affair. We cannot tell what an hour may bring forth. The reports of one minute may contradict those of a moment before. And as to what we shall do I can tell as little. For myself I am disposed to stay right at home – yet that may be wrong. Mr. Duke was to move into [our] house this morning –but we are here still – how long we may be here we do not know. I think myself that the Yankees will be in here some time if not just now – it is only a question of time and weather. I learn that the "Unionists" in town were so jubilant yesterday that they would scarcely – restrain themselves at all. How strange that any person should rejoice at the inroads of a devastating enemy – one by whom their neighbors and friends are sacrificed. Mrs. Morgan was to have left last evening – I don't' know if she got off. I pitied Ellsworth Morgan's lighting operation he was lying at Mrs. Rowan's with a broken leg, Mrs. Morgan was to have taken him in her ambulance, but late in the evening sent him word she could not, but Dr. Williams would take him in his. Mrs. Rowan was very uneasy about it – the Yankees would not spare Ellsworth – if they could get him. – Yesterday I had a note from Brooks Trezevant – he is sick, and said he would be here this evening for me to nurse him well again. I presume he will not come now. I do wish we were away up at Bersheba [sic], or Dan where one could have a little quiet and peace of their lives for Yankees [sic]. There is no telling when they may come in here – there is nothing to prevent them that I can see, if they come in force – as they are sure to do.
War Journal of Lucy Virginia French, April 5, 1863.
        4, U. S. policy toward recruiting contraband artillerists and trade restrictions in Memphis
MEMPHIS, TENN., April 4, 1863.
(Via Cairo, Ill., 6th.)
I arrived here last night, and explained this morning to Gen. Hurlbut the policy of the Administration respecting the contraband. He says his corps will give it their support, especially those regiments which have been in battle. He desires 600 as artillerists, to man the heavy guns in position, which he says can readily be raised from the contraband within his lines. I have authorized him to raise from the contraband within his lines. I have authorized him to raise six companies, and select the officers. He knows intelligent sergeants who will make good captains. The experience of the Navy is that blacks handle heavy guns well. Gen. Hurlbut is embarrassed with the runaways from their Tennessee masters. They come here in a state of destitution, especially the women and children. He cannot send them back, and I advise their employment as far as possible by the quartermaster, and the general is authorized by Gen. Grant to hire them to citizens who will give proper bonds. Goods shipped here have been on entirely too extensive a scale, especially clothing and other articles needed by the rebels. At least 2,500 pairs of cavalry boots are here. Smuggling from this place and on the river below has been carried on extensively. The trade should be restricted. I am assured that no officers of the command have anything to do with cotton. It is ostensibly bought here, but the dealers in it have their agents, who buy through the country before it reaches this point. It should be brought or shipped here by owners, delivered to the Government cotton to be sold here in the same way, this being a better market than Saint Louis. After to-day I shall take the first boat for Helena. Nothing of importance from below.
L. THOMAS, Adjutant-Gen.
OR, Ser. III, Vol. 3, p. 116.
        4, Confederate deserters in East Tennessee
Deserters-One Hundred and Eighty Dollars Reward.
Headquarters Camp Instruction,
Knoxvile, April 4, 1863
The Above Reward will be paid for the apprehension and confinement in jail, or delivery to me at this place, or $30 each, for the following named deserters from this camp;
BENJ. F. COOLY, deserted on the 31st March, 1863, is 30 years of age, five feet 8 inches height, complexion dark, eyes dark, hair black; resides in Roane county, Tenn.
E. P. COFFY, deserted on the 2d inst., is 27 years of age, 6 feet 2 inches height, dark complexion, dark eyes, black hair; resides in Washingtgon county, Tenn.
L. K. SEXTON, deserted on the 2d inst., is 29 years of age, 6 feet 1 inch height, dark complexion, hazel eyes, dark hair; resided in Greene county, Tenn.
P:. L. MYNATT deserted on the 2d inst., is 36 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches height, fair complexion, gray eyes, dark hair; resides in Knox county, Tenn.
ISAAC TROUT, deserted on the 3d inst., is 23 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches height, dark complexion, gray eyes, black hair; resided in Knox county, Tenn.
McD. Guinn, deserted on the 4th inst., is 36 years of age, 6 feet high, fair complexion, blue eyes, dark hair; resided in Greene county, Tenn.
By order of L. PECK, Maj. P. A. C. S., Commanding Camp of Instruction.
Knoxville Daily Register, April 18, 1863.
        4-5, Federal anti-guerrilla expedition and measures along the Cumberland River
No circumstantial reports filed.
CARTHAGE, TENN., April 5, 1863.
Chief of Staff, Army of the Cumberland, Murfreesborough, Tenn.:
Gen. Spears and Col. Wilder arrived on the opposite side of the river last night with their commands. Gen. Spears turned over 14 prisoners and Col. Wilder 15. Gen. Spears moved to this side of the river to-day. To-morrow Col. Wilder goes to Alexandria, on his return to his division. I shall send [John] Murphy's cavalry part of the way with him, and also sent some infantry below on the river, to scatter out in small squads and watch the river, unseen, and prevent those small squads from crossing the river. I will also send an expedition up the river, of cavalry and infantry, to mount all the infantry I can. I would like to have saddles sent me, as the saddles we get in this country are not fit for cavalry. I have not over forty days' provisions for my present command here.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 23, pt. II, pp. 211-212.
        4-6, Movement of Confederate cavalry, Unionville to McMinnville [see April 10, 1863, Confederate attack on a train near Hermitage on the Cumberland River below]
        4, Military Governor Andrew Johnson's Proclamation relative to County Elections in Tennessee
State of Tennessee,
Executive Department,
Nashville, April 4, 1864.
WHEREAS, In several counties of the State, and in many districts, from various causes no election was held on the 5th of March last, for county and district officers. In all such instances where counties have ailed to hold said elections, upon application to me. Suitable [sic] persons will be appointed to hold the same; and in all cases were districts have failed to elect, or the officers elected to qualify, the respective county courts will order elections at such times as the same can be conveniently held. And in both cases said elections will be held in pursuance of my proclamation of the 29 [26] the of January, 1864. In all cases, where questions arise as to the capacity of the party elected to hold, either from any of the disqualifications mentioned by law, or of failure to comply with said proclamation in the election, or by reason of sail person's known and continued disloyalty to the Government of the United States, the questions are referred to the county courts of the county, who will hear and determine the same, and shall enter the same, if the person if sound to be disqualified, upon the records of the office requiring a commission by law.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name, and caused the Great Seal of the State to be affixed, at the Department at Nashville, this 5th day of April, 1864.
Andrew Johnson.
By the Governor:
Edward H. East, Secretary of State
Memphis Bulletin, April 13, 1864. [1]
        4, Military Governor Johnson and Major General Rousseau speak at a Union Rally in Shelbyville
Speeches of General Rousseau and Governor Johnson.
Special Correspondence of the Inquirer.
Shelbyville, Tenn., April 4, 1864.
The meeting at Shelbyville, Tenn., on Saturday last, was numerously attended by the citizens of Franklin, Marshall, Cannon and Bedford counties and many gentlemen of Davidson and Lincoln and other counties were also present.
The day was propitious, contrary to the expectations of m any, and before nine o'clock at least three thousand persons were assembled in and about the square, including some five hundred ladies.
Probably three-fourths or those assembled were men who have ever stood unflinchingly loyal, and who attended prepared to further any object proposed by those who put the meeting on foot, while among the other fourth, might be alliteratively catalogued the disloyal, the disinclined and the discouraged.
Early in the morning excellent music was discoursed by the Sixteenth Wisconsin band, and several operatic morce sus were given by the splendid band from Gen. Slocum's head-quarters.
At about twelve o'clock the meeting was called to order, the speakers stand being in front of the building on the square known at Council Row.
Mr. Tillman ascended the stand, and announced the following named gentlemen as officers of the meeting.:-
President.-Ed. Cooper, of Bedford.
Vice Presidents.- Wm. Barton, of Bedford, John T. Gordon, of Lincoln; Newton McCutcheon, of Franklin, and Peter Hoyle, of Marshall.
Secretaries-James A Moore, J. B Woodruff, Wm. T. Schell and Benj. Truman.
On taking the Chair Mr. Cooper informed the audience that, although some time ago the object of the meeting was declared to be the taking of some step towards the reorganization of the State Government, as this time he deemed it more expedient and more judicious to resolve the occasion into grand mass meeting, which announcement was received enthusiastically.
Subsequently Mr. Cooper paid a glowing tribute to his country, to his flag, and to its defenders, and concluded by introducing Major-General Rousseau, whose gallantry upon the battle-field, and who administration in the District of the Cumberland, he said, were alike characteristic of the noble hearts and official capacity of the distinguished Kentuckian.
The General had been suffering for the past twenty-four hours with severe headache and sore throat, but he said he could pleasurably experience any inconvenience, so great was his delight to see such a concourse of people assembled in the loyal town of Shelbyville. He recollected that about a year ago, when a thousand or more Federal prisoners were being dragged through theswe streets, the ladies of Shelbyville succored the famishing captives, and bade the God-speed in their heroic and patriotic endeavors.
In a brief retrospect the General eloquently and feelingly carried his attentive listeners back to the time when all were free, prosperous and happy. He never had considered Tennessee, however, out of the Union. By the acts of some of her public men, the star had been dimmed, and much of its luster lost, but the old State was still standing beside his dear Kentucky, and could not be torn away
He remarked that all that had been said about Wendell, Phillips, William Lloyd Garrison, and others, and their influence before the war, was atrociously false; and those band men who poured such poisons in the ears of the unsuspecting and ignorant now it was false." As a Southern man," the General said, "I have always been opposed to political Abolitionism, yet I cannot avert the fact that slavery is the sole cause of all our troubles." "Those who brought on the war," he said, "insidiously took advantage of our political differences, and forced us to fight against each other when there was nothing to fight about."
The General said that he was a man of prejudices, but still a man of judgment. He went into the war with strong prejudices, and as time rolled on his judgment still kept him above his prejudices. As a Southern man, without a drop of Northern blood in his veins, naturally he had many prejudices. From the commencement of his manhood, he had been pro-slavery and my prejudices-all!"
Many ask if you are not in favor of the Government as it was, and General Rousseau: he added, "I am in favor of the old Government as it was. If I cannot get that, I am in favor of the next best thing to it. But my friends, and intend to be frank with you, if hanging men for opinion sake is one of the rights to be restores with the 'Union as it was,' THEN I AM OPPOSED TO IT!"
In expressing his loyal, honest indignation at the villainous audacity of Jeff. Davis, in his attempt to obstruct the navigation of the Mississippi, the General became quite vehement in his expressions and grand in his choice of language, and concluded the subject by saying that he would, as a Kentuckian, see the country sunk before he would acknowledge encroachments upon that stream from which a source [sic]
He urged the hearers to look at the matter as it was, speaking of the history of the Rebellion in the incipiency. Those bad men, he said, stated in their ordinances and speeches in the cotton States that the nigger was not the cause of the war; but in Kentucky and Tennessee these same men revered their argument, and in their speeches stated that Northern encroachments upon slavery was the cause of the war-"I saw the designs of these men," said the General, "and in all my speeches told my friends that if they ever thought over the nigger of the nigger could getup and walk away." He believed the institution of slavery was about to perish, and thought that its existence would cease with the termination of the war. He was anxious to see the annihilation of slavery in every Secessionist's hand, and would advise his loyal friends to place their negroes into the service and save three hundred dollars each. As for himself, he said that he did not fear slavery, dint fear abolitionism, did not fear the nigger and did not fear his master.
In speaking of the negro soldiers; Gen Rousseau reiterated that his judgment and his prejudices had long been at conflict upon this point with the exception that he had always believed that a nigger with a musket on his soldier fighting for the Government was far better than a Rebel fighting against it. He referred to the negroes under General Jackson, to their qualities as soldiers, and to the fact that he praised them officially for their gallantry, and sarcastically interrogated: -"Perhaps 'Old Hickory' was an Abolitionist?" "Why," said the General, "if the Rebels could trust their niggers, they would have put them to work cutting our throats a long time ago."
"What is the difference?" he inquired; "do they not act on the capacity of servants? Do they not dig trenches and build fortifications? Do they not, in fact, do everything but pull a trigger?" And why do they not place arms in their hands? Because they dare not; such an event would place in jeopardy their own existence. Again, he stated that he was prejudiced in regard to negro soldiers, but that if a darky got immediately before him upon a battle-field he would not kick hi out of the way. He then, referred to the battles of Stones River and Perryvuille, and said that had there been then thousand negro troops upon the field upon those memorable days, the results would have been, or might have been, far different. At any rate, had such a thing taken place, had the ten thousand negro troops been on had to assist our gallant soldiers in their temporary decline, he would have shouted "Go in Caffey!"
He said that really the greatest objections to negro troops and other measures of a like nature, came from those who were disinclined toward field labor, with or without the black man. "Those who urge their objections the strongest," said the General "are the Copperheads of the North – the Constitutional Union men. I tell you, ladies and gentlemen, the Constitutional Union men are mostly to be found in the Rebel army denounces negro soldiers, and why? With the Constitutional Union men of the North; those men who got up the Copperhead riot which never had its parallel, and which could not have possibly taken place in the South."
The General then referred to his own State, and said that the Conservatives of Kentucky who are urging the opposition of negro enlistments were for the most part, in sympathy with treason and traitors, and at heart opposed to the war. He said that nothing serious would come of such petty elements, and that his confidence in Kentucky's unqualified loyalty and experienced no abatement. "Kentucky," General Rousseau said, "Is a loyal State and will come out all right, as she has upon all other occasions. She had always towered above her prejudices. She has sent over fifty regiments of soldiers to the defence of the nation's flag, and will not waver at this late hour of the struggle;" and added that in his humble opinion, negro enlistments was a matter of taste; that if the negroes of Kentucky were citizens of the State according to the laws, they might be drafted; if property, however, and so he considered the slave of loyal neb, the Government had a right to take and use them in any capacity in which the authorities might deem them the most serviceable.
The General said that he was prepared to sacrifice everything in crushing the Rebellion. His love and devotion to his country was his guiding star. To be assigned to the command of negro troops would be most repugnant indeed; but if the safety of his country demanded it, and his Government required it, he would take command of a nigger brigade."
The General then informed his hearers that the hue and cry about the preservation of the institution of slavery was the height of folly. "When you can take the palm and roll back the ocean's billows," he said, "then can you avert the destruction of the institution of slavery in this struggle. Do as I do, my friends, rise above your prejudices, and look at the matter philosophically and without bias."
There could be no doubt about the final result, he said. The overrunning protection of Providence hovered over us, and the great, good Government was bound to exist. He believed the contest would end this year, but however it might be prolonged he desired to fight until its formation.
He then congratulated the Government and the armies upon the great successes so far, and the loyal people of Tennessee upon their release from Rebel terror and thralldom, and said the bogus Government had commendable to slay about the last ditch, etc. "Now my hearers," said the General, I want to see them retire in that direction, I want to pursue them to that last ditch, and place my foot upon them as I would a Copperhead-any kind of a Copperhead, my friends, those who are in Jeff. Davis's army, or those who live in the North, and murder Union soldiers upon their return home to visit their families. I tell you, my friends, these bad men in the Free States I cannot trust."
General Rousseau paid another compliment to his native State, and spoke glowingly and feelingly of the valor of Kentucky troops. He said, and every one who is at all acquainted with the stories of Shiloh, Perryville, Stone River, Chickamauga and Chattanooga, knew how truly he has spoken, that the time was yet to arrive when Kentuckians would disgrace themselves in camp, or turn their backs upon the enemy in conflict. He also paid a high tribute to the Union man of Tennessee, and the South generally, and said that every loyal man within the hearing of his voice had passed through more than any soldier upon the field or battle. He loved them truly and detested and despised those who, had been instrumental in brining this dire calamity upon us, and who are still urging its existence. He announced himself willing, however, notwithstanding their great crime, to extend the hand of fellowship to all those of his brethren who had returned, or might return, in sincerity.
In concluding the General made many happy allusions, and especially derided what he termed the "one-to-five-business." He said he believed the war had developed the fact that one man with a musket in his hand from the South was but a match for a man similarly circumstanced from the North, and that the reverse was also the case. He said that it was the cry of some men from the Northern and Western States, after a brief residence in the South, that one Southerner could whip five Yankees. This, however, must be must be classed among the multiplicity of errors which have led the ignorant astray, and which alone contributed vastly to the growth of treason in the Rebellion's incipiency.
The General made touching references to the disposition of the Rebel alarm after the cessation of a conflict, which produced a world of grief in the hearts of a magnitude of his hearers
He thanked his friend for their kind applause and marked attention and gave way.
At the conclusion of General Rousseau's speech, the President in response to repeated call on Govern Johnson introduced His Excellency to the people. It would be affectation in us to even say that he made an excellent speech. As his opinions are well known to the country, I will merely say that portions of his remarks were reiterations of those sentiments of m any times annunciated by him. He paid a flattering compliment to the noble soldier who had preceded him, and earnestly invoked his hearers to heed the truths and solicitations he uttered.
Philadelphia Inquirer, April 9, 1864.
        4, East Tennessee News about Federal Depredations
Affairs in East Tennessee:-The Columbus (Geo.) Sun of the 23rd [March], says:
If the half of what we hear from this unfortunate region is true, it bids fair to rival Mexico in the palmiest days of anarchy and social crime. A low Dutchman, fresh from the political cesspools of Northern Europe, is in command of a district between Knoxville and Greenville. He is said to have twelve thousand ruffians under his command stationed along the railroad from Strawberry Plains to Mossy Creek. Their conduct is most wanton and outrageous, exceeding anything that has transpired curing the war. A few days since, they burned the fine mills and private dwelling of Mr. Massengill, on the Holston river. Massengill was an old man of some eighty years of age. His wife, about seventy years of age, was lying at the point of death when the ruffians applied the torch to her bed room. She asked them to carry her out of the room, and not to burn her alive in her own house. After some hesitation the leader of the clan-a member of Brownlow's regiment-carried her out into the back yard on her bed, and remarked to the dying woman that she was getting her "Southern rights." The old man the tied to a tree and whipped him with hickory wythes until the supposed him dead. Another band of outlaws-members of another, renegade Tennessee regiment-hung a Dr. Mynatt near New Market, after making him dig his own grave. After he had expired, the ruffians beat his head with rocks and cujt off his ears. Such is the brief outline of events as reported by private letter from Greenville [sic]. It may be true or false; but there is abundant reason to believe the facts here stated are mainly true.
Fayetteville Observer, (Fayetteville NC) April 4, 1864. [2]
        4, Report on Federal defenses from Knoxville to Cleveland on the way toward Chattanooga
Maj. Gen. GEORGE H. THOMAS, Cmdg. Mil. Div. of the Miss. West of Allegheny [sic] Mountains:
GEN.: I have the honor to submit the following report of my inspection of the defense of Knoxville and the line thence to Chattanooga:
Knoxville.-This city, the keep of East Tennessee, is well fortified, and though the works are not finished they are sufficiently advanced to admit of good defense against coup de main or siege. The city is situated on the north bank of the Holston. South of this river two high summits are held by strong redoubts, finished. The seizure of these hills by an attacking force would render the city untenable and would seriously, if not fatally, weaken the defense of the line north of the river. Their occupation by our own forces is essential to the safety of the city. West of Knoxville the defensive line follows the crest naturally indicated to Fort Sanders and thence east to Fort Wiltsie. The contour of the hills east of the city fixes the defensive line there, the prominent points serving as sites for forts and batteries. Knoxville is mostly covered from the west and northwest as the ground declines in front of the line. Near the depot a depression in the ridge opens the most populous portion of the place to a fire from the north. Again the range of hills to the northeast of which Fort Smith is located covers the city in that direction, as the ground in advance is quite low. Mayberry Hill, however, sees through between Battery Clifton Lee and Fort Fearns, and would seriously annoy, by distant fire, movements in a part of the city. As three heavy batteries bear upon this hill its occupation by an enemy would be very uncomfortable, and light field pieces put in battery there would probably be silenced. The system of defense, however, would be more complete were Mayberry Hill and the slightly elevated ground north of the depot occupied each by a small, strong redoubt with a deep ditch, stockade gorge, and interior blockhouse. The immediate vicinity of the depot east and west can be floated by dams across the two streams flowing through the city, rendering an attack on the front of Knoxville almost an impossibility. Seven inclosed works, eight batteries, and about two miles of infantry entrenchment constitute the defenses of Knoxville. Fort Byington is an interior work, serving as a keep to the western portion of the line. Fort Sanders, at the apex of this line, is very properly a bastion work. Forts Smith and Fearns are large works, the former perhaps unnecessarily so. The latter sees well upon the south bank of the river, and would assist Fort Lee if attacked from the east and cover the hills slopes toward the river. These works are generally well constructed with parapet and embrasure resentments formed of logs set vertically. The ditches are mostly six feet deep and the scarp difficult. The infantry entrenchments connecting forts are well flanked by re-entering batteries, and this portion of the line is as strong as the works themselves with the exception of direct artillery fire. The flank fire would, however, enable a small number of men to hold the line on the same principle that a bastion work requires less garrison than a polygonal one of the same magnitude. The entrenched line has a good command, about seven feet, sufficient to cover troops passing in the rear. Its parapet is six feet thick, while the batteries and forts have parapets of twelve feet at least. The lines are generally well arranged to sweep the ground over which the enemy must approach. On account of the usual convex sections of hill slopes it is impossible by any simple combination to sweep the approaches to works on elevation as completely as on level ground, and the steeper the slopes the more difficult will this problem be of solution. On a portion of the north line the hill slopes are too abrupt and convex for thorough exposure, but the partial inundation in front is a great protection to this part of the entrenched line. From Smith to Wiltsie, a half mile, no infantry entrenchment has been constructed, reliance being placed upon the water barrier as a defense. It would be a proper precaution to extend the parapet from Wiltsie to the small stream to the right of the main road, sweeping that road by a two-gun battery. This, however, can readily be done on the approach of an enemy in force-200 yards of the line toward the river on the left have not been commenced. Much labor is still required to put down platforms for the guns, build service magazines, and complete the unfinished embrasures. Those embrasures which look to the front are mostly ready for service, but many of those intended for sweeping the ground within the entrenched inclosure are not yet reverted. The following short description shows the condition of each work and battery:
Fort Fearns: The breast height is entirely reverted, eighteen embrasures finished and fourteen partly reverted. About one-quarter of the parapet should be raised two feet. The gateway is unfinished; platforms for twenty-nine guns are required. This fort has a large well-ventilated magazine.
Battery Engle: Finished, except the platforms for eight guns.
Battery Clifton Lee: Requires platforms for twelve guns.
Fort Smith: This work requires one additional traverse, platforms for twenty-two guns, a gate, and large magazine. Four of the embrasures are not quite finished.
Fort Wiltsie: Requires a gate at entrance, a service magazine, and platforms for its eight guns.
Battery Galpin: Has no platforms for its nine guns.
Battery Zoellner: Requires platforms for its four guns.
Battery Karnasch: Platforms for three guns needed and a few days' labor upon the parapet.
Battery Elstner: Requires four gun platforms and some labor upon the parapet.
Fort Sanders: This large form of bastion form [sic] is intended for twenty-one guns, the embrasures for which are nearly all finished. The work needs a good magazine and twenty-one platforms. The interior is not excavated deep enough to give good cover to its defenders. The ditches should be deepened and the scarp trimmed.
Battery Noble: Finished, excepting platforms for eight guns.
Battery Harker: Is in an unfinished condition. It is intended for five guns. The parapets and embrasures need revetments.
Fort Byington: Requires a service magazine, gate, and platforms for fifteen guns.
Forts Dickerson and Lee, south of the Holston, are finished for forty-one guns; each possesses a good magazine. Infantry parapet connecting forts and batteries is finished excepting a portion 200 yards long on the left of the line. A deep ditch extends from Battery Clifton Lee to the inundation in front to prevent surprise in that direction. There is a large magazine by the road passing near Fort Byington.
The accompanying sketch shows the general character and arrangement of the forts and batteries just described.[3]
The defensive of Knoxville, commenced by Capt. Poe, Engineer Corps, immediately after its occupation by our army, owes much of its progress to Gen. Davis Tillson, commanding at this post during the past year. He has evinced much skill in laying out the connecting lines, and an uncommon energy in their execution, and it is a pleasure to bring his services in the defense of his post to the notice of the commanding general. It would require a large army to invest the city on the north and south banks of the Holston. If the south side is threatened, the garrison, by the aid of Forts Dickerson and Lee with temporary lines, can hold at bay a large force. It is probable that an attacking force would take position on the north bank of the river. In this view the inundation would prove doubly serviceable, protecting a portion of the line and covering the valley to the north, thus forcing the enemy to confine his attack either to the east or west front of Knoxville. The garrison therefore will only be required to meet the attack on a short line, simply watching the other portions of the defenses vigilantly. Hence, though the line from river to river is three miles long, the garrison need not be proportionately large-5,000 infantry with artillerists for service of the guns will be able to hold the lines against 20,000 men. The works are designed for 192 guns; 100 will suffice for the ordinary garrison, for should the city be threatened by an approaching army, it will doubtless be re-enforced in time by an army with its material. The garrison of Knoxville can complete the defensive line so nearly finished, and keep it in order, commencing no new work.
Loudon.-At this place the railroad from Chattanooga to Knoxville crosses the Tennessee. The preservation of the bridge across the river is necessary for supplying the forces of East Tennessee. For this purpose three redoubts on the south bank and one on the opposite side with a stockade at the north abutment, have been constructed. These defenses of weak profile and without block-house keeps have thus far protected the bridge. It is not advisable now to strengthen them. Loudon, distant but twenty-eight miles from Knoxville, has doubtless been indirectly covered by the large garrison of that city; besides its insular position has only exposed it to attack from raiding parties. For the want of a map prepared from survey I attach a sketch showing approximately the relative positions of the railroad bridge and the redoubts defending it.[4] The railroad bridge is 1,670 feet long.
Charleston.-One small redoubt and two two story block houses defend this position and protect the railroad bridge over the Hiawassee. The redoubts, as built, adds little strength to the defenses, being little more than a cover to the garrison within. A well-constructed redoubt, with an interior keep, and having a deep, ditch with a difficult scarp and exterior obstacles, may force a division one even a corps to the delay of a siege. Without these accessories it is little better than a rifle-pit, and will inevitably yield to a superior attacking force. A block house is a much better defense than these little redoubts of weak profile. The two block-houses, one at each end of the Hiawassee bridge, have doubtless prevented raiding parties of the enemy from attempting its destruction. Charleston is but forty-two miles distant from Chattanooga and could receive assistance from the garrison of that depot if required. Its defenses, however, have proved quite sufficient against raiding parties. The bridges at Loudon and Charleston, though very important to East Tennessee, had no bearing upon the Atlanta campaign. The motive for their destruction seems to have been insufficient to cause any serious attack upon them; besides Knoxville could be supplied by the river, if necessary. The rough sketch annexed, for want of an accurate map, shows the defensive works at Charleston.[5] The railroad bridge is 500 feet long.
Cleveland.-This town is situated at the junction of the railroad to Dalton with that to Chattanooga, and is thirty miles distant from the latter city. The regiment that garrisoned this place built there two small redoubts; one about a mile the other half a mile distant from the town. When these defenses were constructed Cleveland possessed more military importance than at present. Now one little redoubt or a double-cased block-house will be sufficient to control the position.[6]
Tyner's Station.-At this place, nine miles from Chattanooga, there is a small redoubt. The position is unimportant.
Dalton Railroad Junction.-Six miles from Chattanooga, where the road to Dalton branches from the road to Knoxville, is an important trestle-work. This is securely protected by two block-houses. The railroad and telegraph stations and water-tanks between Loudon and Chattanooga would be best protected by block-houses, as the cheapest and most efficient defense. They require but a few men for garrison, and are impregnable to infantry and will resist a long cannonade from field pieces. It is not, however, advisable to make any changes in the defenses from Knoxville to Chattanooga.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Z. B. TOWER, Brig. Gen. and Insp. Gen. of Fortifications, Mil. Div. of the Miss.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. II, pp. 213-216.

[1] See also: Papers of Andrew Johnson, Vol. 6, pp. 658-659.
[2] TSL&A, 19th CN
[3] See Plate CXI, Map 5, of the Atlas.
[4] Plate CXI, Map 15, of the Atlas .
[5] See Plate CXI, Map 15, of the Atlas.
[6] For a sketch, see Plate CXI, Map 4, of the Atlas.

James B. Jones, Jr.
Public Historian
Tennessee Historical Commission
2941 Lebanon Road
Nashville, TN  37214
(615)-770-1090 ext. 123456
(615)-532-1549  FAX

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